Periphery in sentence

495 examples of Periphery in a sentence

This led to a temporary reduction in the financial strains confronting the debt endangered countries on the eurozone’s periphery (Greece, Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Ireland), sharply lowered the risk of a liquidity run in the eurozone banking system, and cut financing costs for Italy and Spain from their unsustainable levels of last fall.

And, inevitably, the recession on the eurozone’s periphery is deepening and moving to the core, namely France and Germany.

Meanwhile, the credit crunch in the eurozone periphery is intensifying: thanks to the ECB long-term cheap loans, banks there don’t have a liquidity problem now, but they do have a massive capital shortage.

That is why interest-rate spreads in the eurozone periphery are widening again now.

In the eurozone, shadow ratings already signaled red flags in the late 2000s in Greece and the other countries of the periphery.

And productivity growth has been almost as weak in the eurozone’s core as in its troubled periphery.

The discount is essential for reducing sovereign debt in the periphery to manageable levels and lowering immediate debt payments, thereby freeing resources for the investment and consumption that make growth possible.

There is also the unresolved question of how much the periphery countries really should be asked to pay on their debilitating debt burdens, whatever the tax instrument.

As the economists Maurice Obstfeld and Galina Hale recently noted, German and French banks earned large profits intermediating flows between Asian savers and Europe’s periphery.

The average unemployment rate hovers above 10% (and much higher in the eurozone periphery – more than 20% in Greece and Spain) with youth unemployment over 30%.

On the EU’s periphery, anti-establishment parties tend to be on the left: Syriza in Greece, Italy’s Five Star Movement, Spain’s Podemos, leftist parties in Portugal.

Indeed, an easily manageable financial crisis in Greece was allowed to grow into a life-threatening emergency for the states on the southern periphery of the European Union – and for the European project as a whole.

Wealthy Catalans, who are reluctant to subsidize poorer Spanish regions, have allied themselves with left-wing radicals espousing the nationalistic populism that economic crisis and malaise have fueled on the EU’s periphery.

In both cases, the international authorities inflicted hardship on the periphery in order to protect the center; now Germany is unknowingly playing the same role.

The division between debtor and creditor countries will become permanent, with Germany dominating and the periphery becoming a depressed hinterland.

It is clear what is needed: a European fiscal authority that is able and willing to reduce the debt burden of the periphery, as well as a banking union.

But if his politics fail, the latter-day anti-Dreyfusards will be back with a vengeancNow watch this: Philippe Aghion on Macron's economic programThe Seven-Year DitchPRINCETON – There are historical precedents for sovereign-debt defaults by the countries of Europe’s southern periphery, but they are not instantly attractive ones.

But it also implies that the single-minded concentration of the European Union and the International Monetary Fund on fiscal adjustment in the EU periphery is misguided.

Indeed, because German funds were indispensable in bailing out the eurozone’s deeply stressed periphery, the country became central to all efforts to address the crisis.

While that might enhance the EU’s popularity in the periphery, it could increase resistance to EU membership in Germany – a country that, despite its waning economic strength, remains an important piece of the integration puzzle.

He hopes that with a few months, he can then withdraw American troops to the periphery of Baghdad and leave the policing of the capital to Iraqi forces.

The increasing integration of the Eastern periphery into a pan-European production process is part of a structural change that should boost trade by more than enough to compensate the dampening effects of falling growth in Western Europe.

But this strategy, though meeting the need for deeper eurozone integration, would not address Europe’s longstanding divides between east and west, north and south, or center and periphery.

This realization – that the European taxpayer does not have to save every troubled bank – might have a very beneficial effect, because Germany’s resistance to a banking union is motivated by the fear that German taxpayers would be forced to underwrite indirectly the losses of banks in the distressed countries of the eurozone periphery.

In the so-called periphery, political upstarts promise citizens an alternative to austerity.

In Europe, every balance sheet available has been tapped to forestall a debt crisis in the periphery, resulting in large bailout packages for Greece, Ireland, and Portugal, and the contamination of the ECB’s balance sheet.

Meanwhile, austerity and reform fatigue on the eurozone periphery – and among non-eurozone EU members such as Hungary and Poland – is clashing with bailout fatigue in the core.

But, regardless of how bad Europe’s political and financial leaders may seem, a sudden rise in the number of incompetent or immoral individuals throughout the eurozone’s periphery is not a credible explanation of this crisis.

Smaller members of the eurozone, particularly those on its periphery and with weaker economic links to the heartland of the EMU, become vulnerable to overheating and inflation when their ability to raise interest rates is abolished.

The two economic powers’ similarities and differences, particularly with respect to internal labor mobility, productivity, and fiscal policies, suggest why – and provide clues about whether the eurozone can weather the crises on its periphery and evolve into a stable single-currency area.

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