Payments in sentence

1196 examples of Payments in a sentence

First, EU policymakers should consider making all future structural-funds payments conditional on recipient countries’ adherence to the rule of law.

For Chinese policy makers, today's market pressures are not high enough to force them to take action, as China still enjoys a decent surplus in its balance of payments, both on current account and capital account.

Part of the reason stems from tax systems, which in some countries allow some consumer interest payments (for example, mortgages in the US) to be deducted from taxable income.

Corporate interest payments are typically deductible, too.

Under her leadership, Congress has pursued a populist agenda that increased transfer payments and reduced India’s annual economic-growth rate to less than 4% in 2013.

Greece’s default on its national debt need not mean an explicit refusal to make principal and interest payments when they come due.

Depressing economic activity further through higher taxes and reduced government spending would cause offsetting reductions in tax revenue and offsetting increases in transfer payments to the unemployed.

The increased demand for Greek goods and services would raise Greece’s GDP, increasing tax revenue and reducing transfer payments.

With operating cash flows inadequate to repay much of China’s debt, borrowers have little choice but to finance payments with new credit.

The main problem in Russia's economy at the moment is that both Soviet and Russian borrowings have totaled 158 billion dollars, which means that Russia with its annual budget revenue of 20 billion dollars, is incapable of paying back its debts because, for the next 12 years, its annual debt-servicing payments are to be from 12 to 17 billion dollars.

Because such payments are more than Russia can handle and the government has proved incapable of renegotiating the payment schedule or of writing off some of the Soviet debt, it continuously fails to meet its repayment obligations.

Thus, Russia is denied access to new credits and has to make its scheduled payments at the expense of its currency reserves, so impeding the financing of internal growth and, as a result, the same cycle of problems is reproduced.

People in Africa – and, indeed, throughout low- and middle-income countries – are seizing the opportunities that technology provides, using mobile phones for everything from making payments to issuing birth certificates, to gaining access to health care.

Those who oppose their proposed reforms are most likely insiders – people who have received payments from big banks over the past year or two.

According to the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (SWIFT), dollars are used in nearly half of all cross-border payments, a share far greater than the weight of the US in the world economy.

While there is no purely technical obstacle to creating an alternative payments channel, doing so is certain to enrage Trump, who will presumably respond with another round of tariffs against the offending countries.

If the geopolitical shock of Trump’s unilateralism spurs an institutional innovation that makes it easier for European banks and companies to make payments in euros, then the transformation could be swift (as it were).

Instead, Argentina never balanced its budget, not even the budget net of interest payments on its debt.

Since its 1999 stabilization, the budget net of interest payments has constantly shown a surplus, now as high as 3.8% of GDP.

Likewise, the deficit countries’ exchange rates are overvalued relative to third countries like the United States and Japan, while Germany’s currency is undervalued, because the euro’s exchange rate is determined by the balance of payments of the eurozone as a whole, which Germany’s massive surplus distorts.

The alternative – allowing the past, in the form of interest payments on the national debt and entitlement spending, to continue dictating fiscal policy – would block prosperity among middle-income households, by requiring continuous tax increases and reduced public investment.

In 2000 the nation ran a budget surplus of 1% of domestic output, which became a total deficit of 2.4% once interest payments were added in.

Interest payments drove up the deficit, which spooked investors who demanded even higher spreads, enlarging the deficit even more.

For one thing, the debts were enormous, amounting to over $100 billion (including accrued interest payments); indeed, Argentina’s was the largest external default on record until Greece’s recent restructuring.

Then, in 2014, US Federal Court Judge Thomas P. Griesa decided in favor of the holdouts (largely so-called vulture funds), ruling that they had not received equal treatment and thus that Argentina could not make payments on its restructured debt until it paid the holdouts.

Interest payments account for an ever-larger share of budgets – and will continue to grow when interest rates start to rise again.

And, over the last few years, China’s authorities have gradually loosened their grip on the capital account, allowing the renminbi to become the fifth most popular currency for settling global payments.

Development of unconventional oil and gas supported 2.1 million jobs and contributed $74 billion in tax revenues and royalty payments to government coffers in 2012.

But even if the intellectual objection to extra revenue can be overcome in this way, the practical political problem is that every large tax expenditure – the home mortgage interest deduction, the exclusion of employer payments for health insurance, etc. – has its fervent defenders.

The French, German, and Irish governments would be particularly delighted to see UK-based banks and hedge funds shackled by EU regulations, and UK-based businesses involved in asset management, insurance, accountancy, law, and media forced to transfer their jobs, head offices, and tax payments to Paris, Frankfurt, or Dublin.

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