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Parties in sentence

3799 examples of Parties in a sentence

The Sunni Arab parties initially rejected any notion of a confederated state, but in time they came to believe that the Shia parties would never share power voluntarily.
The Shia parties, having tasted real power in Iraq for the first time, are now attempting to create a much more centralized state than either the Kurds or Sunni Iraqis – or the constitution, for that matter – will tolerate.
Kosovo's political logjam is due, in part, to the inexperience of Kosovo's political parties, but it is mostly the result of a contradiction in UN Resolution 1244 which serves, for now, as a kind of constitution for Kosovo.
It has every form of political organization: NGOs, an international governing authority, political parties of every stripe.
The degree of devotion to democracy among local parties is unknown.
In its rush to find partners to help defeat ISIS, and thus to minimize its own direct contribution in the conflict, it emboldened parties with conflicting objectives.
Symbolic gestures are to be expected, as with the threatened government shutdown earlier this year, which merely created fodder for political advertising by both parties.
Together, the two parties have more than 60% support among Italian voters.
And while some of the coalition’s popularity is due to support for unattractive policy positions – namely, the ruling parties’ anti-immigrant stance and confrontation with the EU – it also reflects voters’ desire for a modernized welfare state.
But, rather than risk a full-scale crisis by blocking Italy’s 2019 budget, the European Commission would do better to push for more focused structural reforms in 2020, after the coalition parties have met their campaign promises.
Discredited by the collapse of the USSR and the Soviet bloc in Eastern Europe, communism is effectively moribund, and its core constituencies – where communist parties manage to hang on – are aging and incapable of reproducing themselves.
Vivid memories of total war and genocide, frequently revived, hinder any revival of the totalitarian parties of the right.
Millions marched for the great causes of the day, and hundreds of thousands joined political parties – often for life.
Today’s marches and demonstrations are a feeble reminder of those times, while parties everywhere are hemorrhaging members.
In Germany and Italy, fascist parties came out on top, while elsewhere, dictators were backed by armies or kings.
Two main parties began to alternate in power and European integration acted as a stabilizer for domestic politics.
The entire center left is in flux, and new parties will probably come and go.
And the revival of religious parties – in a country created by avowed secularists – opened the way for a more politically powerful but also more nationalistic and intolerant setting.
We cannot predict when or where, but sooner or later there will be an explosion of protest, whether violent or taking the form of organized support for political parties espousing radically different policies.
It is significant, therefore, that German political parties have emphasized the need for Merkel to raise such matters in her talks with Chinese leaders.
In Europe, despite the media focus on the success of xenophobic politicians in Hungary and Poland, the pendulum is swinging away from economic nationalism in the countries that really matter: France, Germany, Spain, and Italy, where the two populist parties that recently achieved electoral breakthroughs are now vying to show their devotion to the euro.
When this vote occurs, probably in October, a tactical alliance of all opposition parties with a dozen pro-European Tories could well defeat the government.
Klaus sees political parties as the backbone of any democratic system and sees little place for civil society in politics.
President Havel argues that a democracy based only on political parties and basic democratic mechanisms is deformed.
In his view, political parties, although necessary, must be checked by a robust civil society.
If civil society is too weak, parties will seek to dominate institutions that should remain independent.
Klaus and his followers spearheaded the creation of well-functioning, standard political parties.
But in the absence of a strong civil society, those parties monopolized public space, pushing civic activists to the sidelines.
Havel was the first important Czech politician to criticize this trend, warning against excessive partisanship and arguing that political parties would become internally weak but outwardly authoritarian if they did not draw inspiration from a vibrant civil society.
Prompted by civic passivity, political parties not only came to dominate every aspect of Czech life but engaged in dubious practices that increased cynicism and public passivity.
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