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Parties in sentence

3799 examples of Parties in a sentence

Unfortunately, this course was abandoned in the summer of 1998 when two opposition parties – the Social Democrats (ex-Communists, SDP) and the right-of-center Social Liberals (HSLS) – developed a special relationship that was formalized as a coalition this summer.
In response, other opposition parties, the traditional Croat Peasant Party (HSS), the center-left Liberal Party (LS), the populist Croat National Party (HNS), and the regionalist Istrian Democratic Assembly (IDS), formed their own coalition (the Four).
Here, Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou’s “East China Sea Peace Initiative,” which calls on all parties to refrain from antagonistic behavior, resolve disputes through peaceful means, and establish a code of conduct for cooperation in the East China Sea, is a clear step forward.
Ma’s constructive approach to reducing tensions in the region would benefit all parties concerned.
In the recent European Parliament election, a quarter of voters in the United Kingdom and France backed parties that are hostile to further integration and committed to restoring a Europe of independent member states.
But first in Denmark, then in the Netherlands, and now in Sweden, illiberal, populist parties stirring up fear of immigrants – specifically Muslim immigrants – have managed to gain enough power to set, or at least influence, their countries’ political agendas.
These parties are not confined to Scandinavia and the Low Countries, but are part of a global wave of anger against political elites, who are blamed for all of the insecurities that come with global economics, the financial crisis, and living in more ethnically mixed societies.
The psychology behind the Tea Party in the United States and the anti-immigrant parties in Europe is similar, even if their policies vary.
All three countries may soon be following the Danish model, in which the illiberal populist parties pledge their support without actually governing, thereby gaining power without responsibility.
And Wilders has already received assurances from the conservative and Christian democratic parties that, in exchange for his support, the burqa will be banned in the Netherlands and immigration curbed.
One possible solution is to let populist parties join the government if they get a sufficient number of votes.
In response to this growing resentment, both parties’ presidential candidates have promised to reestablish economic fairness and reform the tax system.
Despite the huge philosophical differences between the two parties over the appropriate size of government, there is one uncontroversial way in which the candidate who is elected in November can address voter resentment.
Throughout the EU, traditional center-left and center-right pro-EU parties are losing votes.
Just as in Italy, anti-EU nationalist parties like the League are gaining votes, and anti-establishment insurgencies like M5S – for example, Podemos in Spain, and Syriza in Greece – are either winning power outright or holding the balance of power between traditional pro-EU mainstream parties and anti-EU nationalist parties.
Advocates of a strong and vibrant EU – and I am firmly among them – should be rooting for the insurgent parties to join forces with the weakened traditional social-democratic parties in order to promote sustainable development, innovation, and investment-led growth, and to block anti-EU coalitions.
Or, as in Germany, they should urge the grand coalition of center-left and center-right parties to become much more dynamic and investment-oriented at European scale, both for the sake of economic good sense and to combat far-right nationalists.
Traditional social-democratic parties mostly shun the new insurgent parties, viewing them as populist, irresponsible, opportunistic, and dishonest.
The traditional social-democratic parties will have to regain their dynamism and appetite for risk-taking to win again at the polls as true progressive parties.
Unlike EU members admitted during earlier rounds of enlargement, the Central Europeans suffer from widespread corruption, political nepotism, fragile political parties with unclear identities, and weak civil societies.
In the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland, the task of completing such difficult reforms just before crossing the "finish line" fell to socialist parties, forcing them to betray their socialist identity in the eyes of leftist voters.
Government parties were also hurt by the nationalistic rhetoric of center-right parties, which repeatedly warned against a betrayal of national interests.
Addressing conflicts among government coalition parties, as well as within individual government parties, was postponed until after official EU entry.
The main objective of the new prime ministers and cabinet members is to regain popularity for their parties.
The ruling coalitions can finally afford, at least temporarily, "the luxury" of populism that opposition parties used as their main weapon in the last few years.
Public-opinion polls reveal that more than 50% of the population believe that political parties are “not necessary” for the good of the country.
Political parties appear far removed from citizen demands, beset by internal divisions, incapable of addressing deep-rooted inequality and lawlessness, and prone to populist or authoritarian leadership that promises quick fixes to entrenched problems.
But Syriza’s inability to escape its radical bubble does not explain why it formed a coalition with the far-right Independent Greeks, when it could have governed with one of the centrist pro-European parties.
Outside intervention may be necessary, including international commitment to specific objectives--not just to a process intended to reach those objectives--before it becomes possible to visualize a viable future in which both parties can flourish alongside each other.
But this clash of titans, should it continue to escalate, will cost both parties dearly, to the point that even the winner (more likely to be the US) would probably find its victory Pyrrhic.
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