Example collocations logo

Parties in sentence

3799 examples of Parties in a sentence

Trying to limit all intrusions would be impossible, but one could start with cyber crime and cyber terrorism involving non-state parties.
Political parties exchange benefits and ignore those who elected them.
Political parties claim to embody ideas and worldviews, but in many ways they are simply self-perpetuating money machines.
Rules and regulations in most states protect the two parties that have held sway in US politics for more than a century.
It turns out that most state bureaucracies, theoretically accountable to the public, in fact are accountable to the parties, and do everything they can to keep Americans Elect from claiming its right to a spot on the ballot next fall.
Of course, 5ivePoints will be going after the established parties as customers, but my hope is that groups like Americans Elect, and eventually protesters in other countries, will start to use it (or something similar).
Indeed, Pakistan’s Islamist parties have never won more than 12% of the popular vote.
“A land where we live well and happily,” the campaign slogan of Chancellor Angela Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU), resonated with them, as did the rather provincial and mostly empty messages of rival parties.
None of this bodes well for a country whose parliament has already been diminished, after these three parties, during their eight years forming a coalition government, marginalized the opposition and failed to build up new leadership cadres.
She could even appoint ministers from other parties.
Mainstream parties must embrace the kind of open and constructive debate that nurtured parliamentary democracy in the Federal Republic’s early years, rather than remaining focused on political tactics.
To abrogate the pact would be against the interest of both parties.
Similarly, in 1997, former French President Jacques Chirac’s decision to call an early parliamentary election resulted in large electoral gains for opposition parties on the left.
Elsewhere, state governments have taken the more radical step of establishing special redistricting commissions that are independent of the two dominant political parties.
To avoid that outcome, we need a system that motivates diverse parties to work together transparently.
Indeed, Havel’s greatest defeat may be that most Czechs now view their country as a place where political parties serve as agents of powerful economic groups (many of them created by the often-corrupt privatization process overseen by Klaus).
There will not be any quick solutions (if, indeed, there are any solutions at all), given the parties’ diametrically opposed interests, their respective domestic and alliance-related obstacles, and a profound lack of trust on all sides.
The rise of Europe’s populist parties is exerting similar pressure across the continent.
In that case, the populists would use the bogeyman of the EU “superstate” to gnaw away at mainstream parties’ grassroots support.
Now, though, they must choose between being outflanked by Euroskeptic parties on both the far left and far right, or responding to that threat by creating a supra-national democracy that can satisfy voters’ legitimate concerns.
This is because the Joint Plan of Action to which the parties agreed in November 2013, while addressing virtually all of the West’s immediate nuclear concerns, does not map out the necessary pathway to Iran’s normalization.
Too big and cumbersome to be ignored, they are a constant source of embarrassment for the parties that have been in government since the global financial crisis of 2008, especially for former Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, who hopes to rekindle his political career in March.
The political backlash that ensued from the bail-in triggered a blame game between the government and the opposition parties, and even between politicians and regulators, with all blaming the European Union and its banking regulations.
Unfortunately, none of the parties has so far come out with a comprehensive, credible economic agenda.
After a strong showing by the anti-establishment, anti-immigration Sweden Democrats in the 2014 general election, center-right parties refused to cooperate with the party and tacitly sided with the left, fueling resentment among many voters.
Malaysia’s political parties use anti-Shia animus to spread fear, helping to attract votes and consolidate power.
What Italy’s Election Means for the EUROME – Italy’s recent election – in which voters rebuffed traditional parties in favor of anti-establishment and far-right movements, producing a hung parliament – should serve as a wake-up call for Europe.
While anti-establishment political parties did well across Italy, reflecting broad frustration with the mainstream parties, there was also a distinct north/south divide.
It is thus significant that Italian voters threw their support behind those who decried the abuse of power by local elites and traditional parties, instead of believing that those local elites, let alone the faraway EU, can fix the problem.
Above all, we must reckon with the rise of ecological awareness, which in Europe is reflected in the formation and strength of Green parties, and which nurtures anti-globalization sentiments.
BackNext