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Parties in sentence

3799 examples of Parties in a sentence

In the long run, the US and EU should support civil society organizations in pressing Moldova’s government to guarantee more equitable distribution of television time, to stop police harassment of opposition political leaders and workers as well as journalists, to reform the police and end the ruling party’s abuse of state institutions, and to allow all political parties more opportunity to inspect election rolls and monitor polling stations.
They should insist that opposition parties are included in a dialogue.
Success in international negotiations will hinge on how parties – and the citizens they represent – consider a few vital equity principles, especially historical responsibility and equal per capita rights.
The report’s recommendation for an international conference in the style of the Madrid peace conference is not only a timely indication of the linkage between the Israeli-Arab conflict and the region’s other troubles; it is also a long overdue reminder that bilateral negotiations between the parties can not produce an agreement.
All of the other parties to the agreement have already reaffirmed their commitment to it.
India’s last two governments each served a full term and presided over significant economic growth, even though they comprised 23 and 20 parties, respectively.
But there is a third possibility: a motley collection of regional parties, together with the Communists, gets enough seats to prevent either of the two big parties from forming a government.
In that case, a “hung parliament” could see a “third front” coming to power as a minority government, supported tactically by one of the big parties.
Though the big parties are broadly committed to continuing an economic policy of liberalization and growth, the BJP is mostly focused on the well-being of India’s merchant class, whereas Congress wishes to redistribute enhanced government revenues to the poor through generous social programs.
In foreign policy, India’s growing closeness with the United States under both the BJP and the Congress has proved controversial at home, with leftist parties threatening to scrap the Indo-US nuclear deal and break defense ties with Israel if they come to power.
Should the regional parties dominate the government, domestic politics would strongly impact India’s foreign policy: the anger of Tamil voters over events in Sri Lanka, or of Muslims over Gaza, would be reflected in the government and therefore constrain policy options.
The “third front” involves assorted petty particularisms – parties representing the sectarian interests of specific castes, sub-regions, or linguistic groups.
In India, policy changes require political consensus within the ruling coalition, labor laws are strongly defended by unions and political parties, and controversial decisions can be challenged on the streets, in the courts, and ultimately at the polls.
Not surprisingly, that change has fueled demands for more “national sovereignty," which populist parties, such as Greece's newly elected Syriza, have translated into electoral success.
All of these parties, whether on the right or the left, place national sovereignty at odds with the so-called “external powers," and seek to tilt the EU's political axis accordingly.
That means that after the election (which is unlikely to produce a single political force capable of undertaking this task), Greece’s center-left and center-right parties must learn to collaborate in the cause of effective governance.
Policymakers must wait to see if new parties or leaders will assume power, and if so, whether they will commit to the projects approved by their predecessors.
The real danger to the president-elect is Menem's legacy: a judiciary that is subordinate to political might, a system of political parties that cannot stay afloat financially without engaging in corruption, and economic chaos.
As a result, Jaroslaw Kaczynski was able to become prime minister with the support of a coalition of parties that gained a majority of seats in parliament, despite receiving only six million votes, out of a total of 30 million eligible voters.
Internet-inspired movements usually have lasting impact only if they generate traditional political activity, such as street protests or the establishment of political parties.
But the ebb and flow can unsettle established politics – for example, when centrist parties move to the right to lure voters away from more extreme parties.
They no longer join political parties, trade unions, and other interest groups.
A multitude of small steps could help – such as giving pro-democracy movements the technology needed to evade autocrats, presenting digital media in a balanced way, and making political parties more responsive to their members.
But the inconclusive election reflects the schizophrenia of both the Conservative and Labour parties on the Brexit issue.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel recently urged that all parties involved focus more on practical steps.
We saw this recently when the EBRD, together with the British-based organization Forward Thinking, conducted a closed-door workshop for 27 leading representatives of parties from across the political spectrum in the region.
The parties on the right largely embrace free-market thinking, while Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood and its kindred parties in Libya and Tunisia are deeply sceptical of the state, which they view as bloated, inept, and ultimately corrupt.
Moreover, the existing banks have failed to serve these parties’ small-business and farming constituencies.
These "technologies" range from producing decoy political parties and legally persecuting opponents to publishing fake polls and falsifying elections.
The most successful recent example was the invention of the political party "Motherland," which took protest votes away from the liberal parties as well as from the Communists.
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