Opposition
in sentence
2924 examples of Opposition in a sentence
This would minimize the risk of severe violence in Iran, while galvanizing
opposition
to religious extremists.
Broadly speaking, France has been the “awkward partner” in the Anglo-American club – a role it played right up to its orchestration of
opposition
to the Iraq war in 2003.
Even if the West and its local allies (the Kurds, the Syrian opposition, Jordan, and other Sunni Arab countries) could agree about who would provide the bulk of ground troops, ISIS has already reshaped its strategy.
But Venezuela’s parliamentary election on December 6, which gave the
opposition
a two-thirds majority, is moving political developments into the fast lane.
Seeking to pre-empt American action, Egypt backed a counter-proposal, the Alexandria Declaration, at an Arab League summit last May, and followed this with President Hosni Mubarak’s recent announcement that he will allow
opposition
candidates to challenge him for the presidency.
Members of the
opposition
have argued that the country is compelled to reform itself if it is not to have reform imposed from abroad.
France’s largest party, the Communists, dominates the
opposition.
The
opposition
can’t win.
They have also silenced the Social Democrat-led opposition, which has no better alternative to offer the country.
Hamas’s Real EnemiesJERUSALEM – In Iran, elements from within the regime are reportedly offering a $1 million reward for the assassination of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak because of his
opposition
to Hamas in the Gaza Strip.
First, the internal politics of every Arab country revolves around a battle between Arab nationalist rulers and an Islamist
opposition.
The Kremlin has remained willing to believe that Trump’s failure to deliver on his promise to improve ties is the result of
opposition
in Congress, not to mention the demonization of Putin by US Democrats and media.
The dirty tricks began in the midnight hours of August 11th, when Ukraine’s Central Election Commission (which is packed with Yanukovych placemen) refused to certify the largest
opposition
party, the bloc of former Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko, to participate in the election.
Unless Ukraine’s democratic
opposition
is allowed to take part in the election, a new crisis is certain.
The
opposition
to the dominant mainstream in Europe is split between what is still too often an “old” left that has trouble adjusting to twenty-first-century realities, and populist, anti-foreigner, and sometimes outright fascist parties on the right.
The recent congressional elections, which strengthened the opposition, could be a sign of general discontent with Venezuela’s current institutional arrangements – and with the deterioration of its democracy.
Moreover, Nicaragua’s record on democratic consolidation is also poor: the 2008 municipal elections were criticized by observers and the
opposition
as fraudulent, and the separation of powers has been seriously weakened by Ortega’s desire to remain in power after his term expires in 2012.
The discredited election results suggested that the country is geographically and ethnically divided, with the democratic
opposition
candidate Yushchenko winning overwhelmingly in seventeen western and central regions, while Yanukovych dominated in ten eastern and southern regions.
Succumbing to the temptation to consolidate power in the hands of the president, ostensibly to protect his government’s authority, could limit checks and balances and restrict space for political opposition, including within his own party.
Many of the conditions needed for a democratic transformation – a vibrant and organized civil society, a relatively free press, and well-respected
opposition
figures, as well as a variety of battered but breathing political parties of different persuasions – are already present.
Despite widespread
opposition
to repeal of the law, FIFA was resolute: “Alcoholic drinks are part of the FIFA World Cup, so we’re going to have them.”
Since 1989, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has been pursuing a two-pronged strategy: selective repression that targets organized political
opposition
and co-optation of new social elites (the intelligentsia, professionals, and private entrepreneurs).
This strategy emphasizes the maintenance of an extensive law enforcement apparatus designed to eliminate any incipient organized
opposition.
Having learned from the collapse of the Soviet Union that a bureaucratic ruling party must co-opt new social elites to deprive potential
opposition
groups of leaders, the Communist Party has conducted an effective campaign of expanding its social base.
But some express concern that the new Europe will be defined in
opposition
to the US.
Not only would it add to anti-American attitudes and fail to accomplish its objectives, but it over-estimates the extent to which the new Europe is being formed in
opposition
to the US.
With such federalization in the EU or, more likely, the smaller eurozone (within which the degree of integration is higher), policy conflicts would place elected national governments in
opposition
not to an opaque system, but to a politically legitimate federal institution.
Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, paving the way for the political abuse of psychiatric diagnosis, argued that, “Of those who might start calling for
opposition
to Communism…, we can say that clearly their mental state is not normal.”
Before the national election last November, the Supreme Court did him another favor, barring Eduardo Montealegre, the main
opposition
leader, from participating.
This explains, in a nutshell, the
opposition
to “Padmavati.”
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