Opposition
in sentence
2924 examples of Opposition in a sentence
The protests by artists, intellectuals and
opposition
politicians that followed were the biggest political upheavals since 1989.
Within days, the ousted incumbent, Najib Razak, was under investigation for corruption, and the long-jailed
opposition
leader, Anwar Ibrahim, was back in politics.
Paradoxically, by monopolizing the centrist position, the UMNO-led coalition soon became vulnerable to electoral attacks by Malay- and non-Malay-based
opposition.
Meanwhile, despite failing to increase their overall level of support, Chinese-based
opposition
parties increased their seat count, as the system rewarded them for better electoral coordination.
Into this void rose Abdul Razak Hussein, Najib’s father, who restored UMNO’s hegemony by strengthening privileges for ethnic Malays and luring
opposition
parties – including PAS – into a new coalition, called the National Front (BN).
But even a virtual one-party state could not contain the agenda-setting power of a hardened opposition, namely PAS, which lost its home base, Kelantan, to UMNO after eight years of political cohabitation.
UMNO’s call for “Malay unity” rendered all Malay-based
opposition
parties illegitimate by default, and PAS responded with a powerful narrative of Muslim nationalism.
UMNO’s repression of the
opposition
has had the unintended consequence that the party gradually had to abandon its secular-nationalist politics and enter an Islamization race with PAS.
This led PAS to break with the
opposition
and seek to siphon votes from Mahathir’s new coalition, Pakatan Harapan (PH).
On the contrary, PAS remains a viable
opposition
force and will continue to push for the expansion of Sharia.
After all, it won only a simple majority; once
opposition
parties finish licking their wounds from this month’s results, new alliances may pressure the incumbents from all sides.
The current winner-takes-all electoral system tends to favor regional
opposition
parties that are identity-driven and not prone to political compromise.
And yet, as Malaysia’s history has shown, no good government lasts without a good
opposition.
But the reforms have also faced stiff
opposition.
The opposition, as usual, benefits considerably from its simple message.
Instead,
opposition
to reform is framed as support for better reforms.
But while Abbott was a spectacularly effective
opposition
leader as the Labor government unraveled, he proved himself utterly unable to manage his transition to Prime Minister, and was trailing badly in the opinion polls when he was ousted.
Nonetheless, he was a flop in his brief earlier incarnation as
opposition
leader in 2008-2009, widely seen as arrogant, non-consultative, and prone to spectacular errors of judgment.
The hope for Australia is that this is a watershed moment, with both government and
opposition
realizing that dumbed-down sloganeering and races to the populist bottom may win short-term advantage, but are ultimately counterproductive.
Again, it was a combination of events – pressure from the United States, the impending Olympic Games, and the presence of plausible
opposition
politicians – that did it.
It is a platform for political and religious
opposition
groups in the Arab countries.
Elected with 35% of the vote, he lacked a majority in Congress, and the
opposition
refused to acknowledge his victory.
Another lies in having weakened and neutralized the left-wing opposition, and being able to govern without major confrontations in the streets or Congress.
In the December 2015 parliamentary election, two thirds of voters lent their support to the democratic
opposition.
With that, desperate Venezuelans took their
opposition
to the streets.
On April 1, they began holding almost daily protests demanding another general election, despite the mortal danger of public
opposition.
The
opposition
is firing back, organizing via the National Assembly an official referendum, on the basis of articles 333 and 350 of the constitution.
As soon as this goal comes close to being achieved, elements of the
opposition
begin to position themselves for the second phase of the struggle and the coming competition for power.
The left
opposition
Syriza party, which is committed to renegotiating the terms of Greece’s EU bailout, is ahead in opinion polls.
Brazil’s current criticisms of Iran, along with a request for dialogue with the opposition, weak as they may be, represent a change of position, which reflects the absolute priority of Brazilian diplomacy: permanent membership of the Security Council.
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