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Oligarchs in sentence

204 examples of Oligarchs in a sentence

Don’t worry, Russia’s oligarchs are not starving, but the fortunes of many of them have collapsed.
Indifferent to the poor, Russia’s government is actively supporting its fallen oligarchs, especially those who are close to the Kremlin.
While experts are not sure whether Deripaska will repay the loan, the Kremlin and the oligarchs have their own ways of settling debts.
But both oligarchs prefer Yanukovych to Yushchenko, who has vowed to "end corruption" and send "bandits" to jail.
Even though the oligarchs control all but one of the main television stations, he remains popular.
Under President Kuchma, the economy has recently started to boom - thanks partly to Yushchenko's brief, reformist premiership four years ago - but the oligarchs' grip has grown tighter.
So he is cagey about plans to confront the oligarchs.
Europe, America, and the wider world must not stand idle if Ukraine's rulers and oligarchs try to steal this election by any means at their disposal.
Many are now convinced that the current way of organizing our affairs does not deserve such unquestioning allegiance; that the political system has closed down serious debate on economic and social alternatives; that banks and oligarchs rule; and that democracy is a sham.
But this case is not about oligarchs trying to interfere in politics; it is about a group of artists and curators whose professional activities have unexpectedly turned into a political hot potato.
Putin’s war against the oligarchs is sometimes interpreted as a fight against separate individuals or against ill-gotten wealth.
Among the people persecuting the oligarchs, I haven’t met one who isn’t trying to become an oligarch himself.
Two conditions marked Russia’s oligarchs for persecution.
Unfortunately, at a certain moment, some oligarchs started explaining themselves.
Although I hate to be critical of a man unjustly imprisoned, his example shows that most of the oligarchs lacked the toughness to defend the political system in which they believed.
So, if Putin wins his war against the oligarchs, it will be a Pyrrhic victory: wealth will be more than intimidated; it will become purely a creature and plaything of power.
Unlike Transnistria or Abkhazia, Donbas is heavily industrialized and dependent on subsidies; its infrastructure is devastated; and its businesses are largely owned by oligarchs, who have fled to Kyiv, London, or Paris, rather than Moscow, to escape the conflict.
Cynics explain this by saying that our AOrange” ideals were never anything but the rationalizations of one set of oligarchs struggling to overthrow another.
In this respect, the oligarchs and their political placemen who insist that their right to stolen property is sacred make the same crude claim as the regime that we overthrew: that they have an indefeasible right to the exercise of power.
By identifying the law with their vested rights, the oligarchs who have (for now!) derailed the ideals of the Orange Revolution sought to shield their own interests from challenge.
Politics and economics are in fact inextricably linked here: the erosion of the middle classes, which accompanied the rise of a few enormously wealthy oligarchs, and the descent of millions into poverty, made creation of a democratic society and the rule of law much more difficult.
For if the oligarchs succeed in keeping their ill-gotten gains, it is not hard to imagine someone like Khodorkovsky -- who was already starting to build a political machine alongside his business empire -- cashing in his Yukos shares, parking his wealth in a safe haven offshore, and using it to manipulate Russian politics.
It probably would have been easier for Russia's government to recapture some of the oligarchs' ill-gotten gains earlier, say, after the ruble crisis of 1998, when many of them fell into arrears on their loans.
Such a tax would leave the oligarchs with plenty, and could even compensate them for their efforts at restructuring enterprises.
While Prokhorov is one of several respected Russian oligarchs, Kudrin was the most respected member of the government.
The term plutocracy is commonly applied to Russia's oligarchs, who grew rich through political connections, corruption and shady business deals.
But this supposed free-trade zone seems more like a recipe to enrich oligarchs and stifle competition, not promote trade.
But it also means addressing the use of media by oligarchs to manipulate politics to their own benefit.
As Luigi Zingales pointed out in 2012, oligarchs can use media ownership to solidify their political positions, which they can then exploit to secure rents from which they can fund media.
But many oligarchs in the post-communist countries have done likewise.
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