Nominal
in sentence
688 examples of Nominal in a sentence
That analysis should also recognize the distinction between real (inflation-adjusted) deficits and the
nominal
deficit increase that would result if higher inflation caused sovereign borrowing costs to rise.
One candidate to succeed IT as the preferred
nominal
monetary-policy anchor has lately received some enthusiastic support in the economic blogosphere:
nominal
GDP targeting.
Nominal
GDP targeting was not adopted then, but now it is back.
Nominal
GDP targeting stabilizes demand – the most that can be asked of monetary policy.
Supporters of both
nominal
GDP targeting and product-price targeting claim that IT sometimes gave the public the misleading impression that it would stabilize the cost of living, even in the face of supply shocks or terms-of trade-shocks, over which it had no control.
The exchange rate (both
nominal
and real) will depreciate accordingly, thereby setting in motion the standard, textbook adjustment process.
In 2000, lifting a person out of poverty in China cost the central government approximately $48 per year (in
nominal
terms).
This might stimulate real growth through several channels: by reducing lending rates, by raising the
nominal
value of public and private assets, and by weakening the euro against the dollar and other currencies.
The second adverse effect of deflation is to raise the real interest rate, that is, the difference between the
nominal
interest rate and the rate of “inflation.”
When prices are rising, the real interest rate is less than the
nominal
rate since the borrower repays with dollars that are worth less.
But when prices are falling, the real interest rate exceeds the
nominal
rate.
This is exacerbated by the fact that borrowers can deduct only
nominal
interest payments when calculating their taxable income.
Moreover, the increase in China’s overall price level – and wage levels in particular – has caused the RMB to strengthen steadily in real terms, reducing (to a certain extent) the need for
nominal
RMB appreciation.
Its economy is somewhere between the fifth- and seventh-largest in the world in terms of
nominal
GDP (in US dollars), which is comparable to the economies of India and France.
Many of the world’s wealthiest countries tend to be quite small in terms of population and
nominal
GDP.
Chief among those is the United States, which currently leads the world in terms of
nominal
GDP and is among the world’s most populous and wealthiest countries.
Germany, for example, is among the world’s 20 most populous and 20 wealthiest countries, and it is easily in the top ten in terms of
nominal
GDP; but its highest-ranked university is 64th in the world, and it has only three institutions in the top 100.
Unless the renminbi falls in value, this translates into an average
nominal
increase of at least 10-11% in dollar terms.
Over the same period, China’s
nominal
GDP soared from $1.2 trillion to more than $10 trillion – growing at more than four times the global rate.
Indeed, since 2000, the BRICs have been responsible for nearly a third of the rise in
nominal
global GDP.
Income disparities have halved both in
nominal
terms when expressed in euros and in real terms when taking into account differences in purchasing power.
In the 1960’s and early 1970’s, disparities in purchasing power declined by about 40%, then stalled, while
nominal
income disparities fell by a similar margin from the mid-1970’s to 1990.
With the introduction of the euro, and with falling inflation,
nominal
convergence and real convergence have grown similar, both making gradual progress since the mid-1990’s.
In addition to suffering from a lack of clarity on key issues, EU fiscal policy remains overly focused on short-term goals, reflected in its needless emphasis on
nominal
deficit targets within annual budget cycles.
There is evidence that in the wake of a financial crisis, when monetary policy becomes ineffective – for example, because
nominal
interest rates are at the zero bound – deficit spending can have an unusually strong stabilizing impact.
If Greece were to follow the Argentine script and be forced to leave the eurozone after a messy default, its
nominal
GDP is likely to be halved.
And if the decline in
nominal
wages signals that there is an excess supply of labor, matters only get worse.
And yet risks to financial and fiscal stability could arise if higher inflation and currency depreciation were to spoil investors’ appetite for Japanese government bonds, thereby pushing up
nominal
interest rates.
Europe as a whole is barely above zero growth, with large variations among countries, though with some evidence of painful re-convergence, at least in terms of
nominal
unit labor costs.
To realize that potential, the tradable sector has to re-expand at the margin: as a weakening currency causes imports to fall and real unit labor costs decline as
nominal
wages flatten out, unemployed labor and capital flow toward external markets for goods, services, and resources.
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