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Nineteenth in sentence

465 examples of Nineteenth in a sentence

Governments tend to be organized according to nineteenth- or twentieth-century topics such as diplomacy, defense, internal security, and finance, not twenty-first century challenges such as sustainable development.
Those who have invested in an economic model and production processes based on nineteenth- and twentieth-century models are perhaps understandably nervous about a paradigm shift.
Huxley’s opponent was Prince Peter Kropotkin, ex-page to the Czar of Russia, naturalist, and arguably the most famous anarchist of the nineteenth century.
In the United States, manufacturing employed less than 3% of the labor force in the early nineteenth century.
Healthy People, Healthy Cities, Healthy EconomiesOXFORD – The forces that drove the growth of European and North American cities in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries are now driving urbanization in Brazil, China, India, Mexico, Russia, and other emerging-market countries.
As in the nineteenth century, reduction in transport costs will open up new markets for trade.
Instead, many Europeans are following populist banners back toward the nationalism and isolationism of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
If China sees inviolable state sovereignty as the foundation of twenty-first century international affairs, as now appears to be the case, then it must explain why this principle will not lead to the same disastrous consequences as it did in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
Antitrust policy started in the US at the end of the nineteenth century with a deep suspicion about large firms, owing to the concentration of power that largeness entails.
In classic business-cycle theory, a boom is initiated by a clutch of inventions – power looms and spinning jennies in the eighteenth century, railways in the nineteenth century, automobiles in the twentieth century.
All of this recalls some powerful arguments that were made in the nineteenth century about national integration and unification.
In contrast to the emergence of the West in the nineteenth century, which proved such an economic disaster for most of Asia, the continent’s re-emergence can have an immensely positive effect on the twenty-first century’s global economy, including, needless to say, the West.
Add steep tariffs on imported manufactured goods – rammed through over the angry protests of farmers and southern planters – and you have the policies that intelligently designed much of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century America.
Governments will have to intervene to set these standards, as they did during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to improve abysmal conditions in factories.
Japan's emergence as East Asia's leading power in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries involved three brutal wars in China, in which the Japanese army committed dreadful atrocities.
But when, say, the Luddites of the early nineteenth century protested against newly developed textile machinery by smashing it, the authorities did not intervene to limit new technologies.
The last challenge can be stated as a question that is rarely posed: Is China’s political system an obstacle to renminbi internationalization?The pound sterling and the dollar, the principal international and reserve currencies of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries respectively, were issued by democracies.
Since the early nineteenth century, the leading international currencies have been those of countries with democratic political systems, where arbitrary official action is constrained and creditors are well represented.
In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Liberal Party, not Labour, was the Conservatives’ main rival in the UK, thriving under the leadership of figures like William Gladstone and David Lloyd George.
That was the initial view of David Ricardo, the most influential economist of the nineteenth century.
David Landes likes to tell the story of Nathan Meyer Rothschild, the richest man in the world in the first half of the nineteenth century, dead in his fifties of an infected abscess.
Two centuries later that was no longer the case: by the end of the nineteenth century, median living standards in Britain and other countries to which the Industrial Revolution had spread were, for the first time in recorded history, light-years above any neo-Malthusian benchmark of subsistence.
Likewise, Joinville is a southern Brazilian city settled in the late nineteenth century by relatively uneducated Germans.
What has been unfolding in front of our eyes in the last four weeks has been a modern and reduced version of the balance-of-power system that dominated Europe and the world in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
Defeated and divided, it became a French colony in the nineteenth century, regaining independence in 1960.
Indeed, in the nineteenth century, long before modern drugs were available, major Western cities tackled diseases by seeking to prevent infections.
After all, although modern market economics provides a sound framework for policymaking – as Chinese bureaucrats are eagerly learning – the idea of a planned economy emerged in the nineteenth century as a counter-orthodoxy to address market failures.
It became a French protectorate, not a colony – as in the case of neighboring Algeria – in the nineteenth century.
When Theodor Herzl was making the rounds of Europe at the end of the nineteenth century, trying to gain support for the establishment of a state for the Jews, he was often rebuffed by rich and powerful Jewish grandees, who saw him as a troublemaker.
Throughout the nineteenth century, Catholicism’s public role bred cruel fights between supporters of the clergy and their opponents, reflecting a more fundamental conflict between supporters of the Republic and advocates of a return to the old order.
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