Example collocations logo

Nineteenth in sentence

465 examples of Nineteenth in a sentence

Three century-long movements constitute the essence of the book: a rise in inequality in the nineteenth century, a fall in inequality in the twentieth century, and a predicted return to historically high inequality in the twenty-first century.
This probably goes back to the Dreyfus affair of the late nineteenth century.
In retrospect, it is remarkable that this distinction managed to define partisan political allegiances for more than 200 years, absorbing both the great reactionary and radical movements of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
While America’s oldest universities date to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the American system of higher education took shape in the early nineteenth century, under conditions in which the market was strong, the state was weak, and the church was divided.
The idea of the larger bank reached its high point in continental Europe, and especially in Germany, whose big banking system developed out of trade finance and into industrial finance in the late nineteenth century.
NEW YORK – From the early nineteenth century to the early twentieth century, Western countries attributed their economic growth to the discoveries of “scientists and navigators.”
A similar dynamic is evident in European history, particularly in the revolutions and counter-revolutions of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Donald Trump tapped into a tradition associated with leaders like Andrew Jackson and William Jennings Bryan in the nineteenth century and Huey Long and George Wallace in the twentieth century.
Protected by two oceans, and bordered by weaker neighbors, the US largely focused on westward expansion in the nineteenth century and tried to avoid entanglement in the struggle for power then taking place in Europe.
In the nineteenth century, it became clear that the Moon Illusion is psychological, a consequence of the cognitive processes underlying the human brain's visual space perception.
In the twenty-first century, military power will not have the same utility for states that it had in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, but it will remain a crucial component of power in world politics.
In the late nineteenth century, surging nationalism underpinned an era of revolutions and civil wars.
Not since Japan rose to world-power status during the Meiji emperor’s reign in the second half of the nineteenth century has another non-Western power emerged with such potential to alter the world order as China today.
Unlike the constantly shifting alliances of convenience that characterized the nineteenth century, modern American alliances have sustained a relatively predictable international order.
For example, our understanding of electromagnetic force, developed mostly in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, gave rise to today’s breathtaking developments in telecommunications, computers, chemistry, and material sciences.
Preserving national sovereignty based on institutions designed for the far less integrated European economy of the nineteenth century is a recipe for failure.
The house of Rothschild made the first half of the nineteenth century stable.
Fascism, Nazism, and communism were children of a backlash against globalization that had been building since the end of the nineteenth century, feeding on the anxieties of groups that felt disenfranchised and threatened by expanding market forces and cosmopolitan elites.
In the late nineteenth century, all powers raised their trade barriers – except Britain.
The great nineteenth- and early twentieth-century financiers, men like J.P. Morgan, Henry Frick, and Andrew Mellon, spent a large part of their fortunes on art.
He used the example of three (now forgotten) bestselling authors of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to show the deep aversion of many Germans to the modern world, notably to market economics and democratic politics.
Bismarck’s unification of Germany in the nineteenth century occurred at the high-water mark of European nationalism.
Yet the museum also shows the darker side of this intertwined history, especially the emergence in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries of Roman Dmowski’s radical nationalist and anti-Semitic Endecja party.
This merging of medicine and morality now seems naively unscientific, thanks to “nutrition science,” which replaced traditional dietetics as a formal discipline in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
In the nineteenth century, liberals laboriously separated their nascent states’ institutions from those of the Catholic Church.
By leading the charge to reinvigorate democracy, centrist reformers can draw on the best of the liberal traditions of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to ensure Latin America’s success in the new millennium.
Indeed, these technologies and management ideas amount to something of a new industrial revolution – though one that will be very different from the Industrial Revolution that made Great Britain the dominant world power in the nineteenth century and helped it build a global empire.
Following independence, in the first quarter of the nineteenth century, most of the continent’s borders were the subject of bitter political conflict.
The plague in Madagascar today is an offshoot of what is known as the “third plague pandemic,” a global dispersion of Yersinia pestisthat radiated from China in the late nineteenth century.
Translated into ordinary language, this means that the state finances of a country that was granted help from the EMF would be outsourced, for a time, to external commissioners, much as happened in the nineteenth century to Latin American states that wanted their debts re-financed.
Back