Nationalization
in sentence
54 examples of Nationalization in a sentence
Consequently,
nationalization
of the central bank became a major platform of the British or French left.
Even if the foreign company does not start squeezing out its minority owners, its government will be tempted to expropriate foreign owners through windfall taxes (if the government is sophisticated) or
nationalization
(if it is unsophisticated) – especially if its voters feel, with the benefit of hindsight and populist incitement, that the assets were sold too cheaply.
If Merkel opts for substantial deficit spending now , she will lose support, which is already fading fast because of increased state debt, nationalization, stimulus programs, etc.
According to Donald Rumsfeld, Britain’s then-prime minister, Margaret Thatcher, declared UNCLOS to be “nothing less than the international
nationalization
of roughly two-thirds of the Earth’s surface.”
A combination of deep recession, global economic dislocations, and effective
nationalization
of large swathes of the financial sector in the world’s advanced economies has deeply unsettled the balance between markets and states.
This family-oriented, or “tribal,” business culture is the result of a long history of inefficient commercial judicial systems, arbitrary
nationalization
programs, and a lack of effective corporate governance.
The mortgage crisis and the credit crunch have led to bailouts for the banks and the
nationalization
of housing finance and insurance.
Since George W. Bush showed the way towards bank nationalization, vast public spending, industrial bailouts, and budget deficits, the Socialists have been left without wiggle room.
To that end, it would be better to pursue a fractional form of profit sharing, rather than large-scale
nationalization.
With the BoE at liberty to create as many billions of pounds as it deemed fit to reflate the City and back the government’s bank
nationalization
and monetary stabilization drive, Britain escaped the crisis with a single-year recession (2008-2009) amounting to a loss of 5.15% in national income.
There are four basic approaches to cleaning up a banking system that is facing a systemic crisis: recapitalization of the banks, together with a purchase of their toxic assets by a government “bad bank”; recapitalization, together with government guarantees – after a first loss by the banks – of the toxic assets; private purchase of toxic assets with a government guarantee (the current US government plan); and outright
nationalization
(or call it “government receivership” if you don’t like the dirty N-word) of insolvent banks and their resale to the private sector after being cleaned.
Thus, paradoxically
nationalization
may be a more market-friendly solution: it wipes out common and preferred shareholders of clearly insolvent institutions, and possibly unsecured creditors if the insolvency is too large, while providing a fair upside to the tax-payer.
With nationalization, the government can break up these financial monstrosities and sell them to private investors as smaller good banks.
Argentina, the international financial system’s enfant terrible , could always be relied on to produce a gimmick to spook investors – in this case a
nationalization
of its private pension funds.
Dollar abundance convinced the ruling clique that the state could substitute for the productive elite, through
nationalization
and other forms of collective property.
Few Americans realize that the Iranian Revolution came a quarter-century after the CIA and Britain’s intelligence agency MI6 conspired in 1953 to overthrow the country’s democratically elected government and install a police state under the Shah of Iran, to preserve Anglo-American control over Iran’s oil, which was threatened by
nationalization.
The concept of “twenty-first-century nationalization,” introduced by Peruvian presidential candidate Ollanta Humala, mirrors in this respect the “economic patriotism” of French Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin.
At that point, the government could rely on popular support to expropriate part or all of the new shareholders’ property through nationalization, excessive taxation, or regulation.
Much evidence points to the affair originating not in a systematic
nationalization
project, but rather in the Kremlin’s perception that Khodorkovsky aimed to use his wealth to privatize the Russian state itself.
Much now depends on whether the same is true of the other major outcome, which is that Yukos’s principal asset – Yuganskneftegaz – is now in state hands, while its remaining units appear doomed to
nationalization.
Even the
nationalization
of Yukos’s assets may reflect little more than the absence of alternative buyers, given the obvious political obstacle passing those assets on to other domestic private-sector players (i.e., oligarchs), and the legal and reputational barriers to foreign investors.
So the interpretation that best fits the facts so far is that the political aim of separating Khodorkovsky and Menatep from Yukos led in practice to nationalization, but that this was not the underlying goal.
With the
nationalization
of America’s two giant mortgage banks, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, following the
nationalization
earlier this year of Britain’s Northern Rock, governments have started stepping in again to prevent market meltdowns.
Chinese industry had been transformed into subsidiaries of government through
nationalization
and central planning.
Premature rejection of bank
nationalization
has left us with the same two alternatives as in 1933: break-up or regulation.
Some people would scream that this is tantamount to nationalization, but it is no more a
nationalization
that the US Chapter 11 bankruptcy process is.
Under the auspices of the government-sponsored enterprise (GSE) Fannie Mae, Stiglitz published a paper in 2002 arguing that the chance that the mortgage lender’s capital would be depleted was less than one in 500,000, and in 2009 he called for
nationalization
of the US banking system.
However, with
nationalization
of three of the four oil players (Yukos and Sibneft eight years ago and TNK-BP now), Russia is set to build another Gazprom, this time in the oil industry.
Moreover, the international economic crisis and tight energy-supplies have taken a toll on confidence, as have tensions over the
nationalization
of pension funds and conflicts with soy producers, who oppose an increase in their already high taxes.
South Africa’s governing political party, the African National Congress, entered the post-apartheid era playing the neo-liberal game – joining the World Trade Organization, repaying odious debt to international investors, and safeguarding private assets by renouncing its commitment to
nationalization.
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