Nationalist
in sentence
865 examples of Nationalist in a sentence
In Europe, the rise of political opposition to German Chancellor Angela Merkel, the Brexit vote, and the growing appeal of
nationalist
parties on the right can all be attributed to real and imagined fears stemming from refugees.
The dream of peace, the
nationalist
fervor, and the purported religious redemption that animated Israel’s political combatants for a half-century are gone, replaced by a resigned pragmatism.
Many such voters once supported the CDU and CSU, but were attracted by the AfD’s nationalist, xenophobic platform.
Competing
nationalist
movements were on the rise in a disintegrating Austro-Hungarian Empire.
But Rabin was assassinated by a fanatic Jewish
nationalist
because of his willingness to make this compromise.
Eurozone member states have increasingly gone their own way, even overtly defending
nationalist
economic policies that harm the eurozone as a whole.
The great unanswered question is how long Putin will be able to rely on
nationalist
kitsch to overwhelm Russians’ rational calculation of their interests.
I thought it necessary to remind those in Romania who did not know, or who wanted to forget, about the tragedy to which the
nationalist
option once led.
My essay, which dealt with past and present implications of the intellectual’s involvement with totalitarian
nationalist
ideology, touched a raw nerve with the Romanian public.
The legacy of the
nationalist
tradition, obscured and manipulated by the Communists for decades, today presents itself in Romania with an aura of mystery and martyrdom before a public in the throes of an identity crisis and thirsting for a new communitarian mythology.
Given this, it is worth asking whether the latest slogan adopted by Chinese officials – “Asia for Asians” – is merely
nationalist
posturing for domestic consumption or a signal of a genuine policy shift.
Though some analysts remain convinced that Xi’s “Asia for Asians” line is an empty attempt to bolster his
nationalist
credentials, an equally strong case can be made that it signifies a genuine policy shift.
For others, exasperated by football and the emotions it stirs up, the sport is no longer a game, but a type of war that stokes the basest sort of
nationalist
emotions.
The strange divergence between the real world and the world of soccer this year was also evident in expressions of
nationalist
emotion.
But in the 2018 World Cup – a century after the end of the
nationalist
bloodbath that was World War I – a “soft,” even gentle nationalism prevailed.
Liberty, equality, and fraternity are enemies of the nationalist, extremist, and europhobic visions benighting Europe today.
For example, despite
nationalist
rhetoric by state enterprises and associated trade unions, the government should decide that the vast telecommunications network should be privatized, including to foreign investors.
To support these efforts, China’s propaganda machine has probably been instructed to tone down
nationalist
rhetoric and cut out content that might offend its neighbors.
In Xinjiang, the locals willingly participated in the political redistribution of land and wealth and looked forward to the end of a three-way civil war that had trapped the region between competing Russian, Chinese Communist, and Chinese
Nationalist
interests.
It may sound archaic in high-tech politics of the new millennium, but the ability to deflate the ideological boasts of
nationalist
prophets by old-fashioned and straightforward opposition is the key to change.
To succeed with this bold and necessary agenda, Latin America’s left must purge its dangerous and destructive
nationalist
and authoritarian strains.
Theirs is a
nationalist
international – a classic creature of a deflationary period – united by contempt for liberal democracy and the ability to mobilize those who would crush it.
Brexit would reinforce this trend, bolstering Europe’s
nationalist
and Euroskeptic forces.
Owing to its success in settling other longstanding national conflicts, the EU was tasked with bridging the region’s longstanding
nationalist
divides and quelling its ethnic conflicts.
Turkey and Syria still have border disputes; for many Syrians, scenes of Turkish troops crossing the border, even behind lines of Syrian opposition fighters, would rally
nationalist
pride and strengthen Assad’s narrative of foreign-inspired terrorism and insurgency.
The third component is sometimes called “Sunni nationalist,” but that phrase is a misnomer, because this group’s members are less concerned with Iraq as a nation than with Sunni domination of post-Hussein Iraq and responding to what they see as personal injustices or abuses.
Indeed, it was fear of
nationalist
violence that led then-US President George H.W. Bush and German Chancellor Helmut Kohl to try to help the USSR’s last president, Mikhail Gorbachev, hold the Soviet Union together (though only after having allowed the Baltic States to secede).
Though Putin has cultivated nationalism in Russia – according to Harvard University’s Timothy Colton, at a recent meeting of the Valdai Discussion Club, Putin called himself the country’s “biggest nationalist” – he found fertile ground to plow.
And this is happening at a time when anti-European,
nationalist
forces are establishing themselves in Germany’s national and state parliaments – and on the streets – thereby substantially reduce Chancellor Angela Merkel’s room for compromise.
The
nationalist
trend has continued unabated ever since.
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