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Nationalist in sentence

865 examples of Nationalist in a sentence

The US has taken a detour into a theme park of nationalist nostalgia, but it remains focused on the future and the benefits of globalization, not the costs.
How might we explain the starkly different responses in American and British civil society to the dangerous flirtation with nationalist populism?
In fact, now that the initial shock and confusion have given way to a more sober perspective, the terrorist attacks of that awful day are increasingly seen – as they should be – as one among numerous other nationalist milestones.
And, precisely because nationalism shapes the way we think, its role in phenomena that do not trumpet their nationalist motivation – like Al Qaeda’s attacks in 2001 – can easily be overlooked.
In an advanced modern society, such as Germany, intellectuals have no difficulty using openly nationalist language to convince a nationally conscious populace of threats to national prestige.
His Belgian colleague, Filip Dewinter, represents a Flemish nationalist party tainted by wartime collaboration with the Nazis.
Vlaams Belang, the Flemish nationalist party, may not be the biggest party in Belgium, but it has done well in local elections.
Polish Interior Minister Mieczyslaw Moczar, the leader of the nationalist faction, combined communist rhetoric with a language proper to fascist movements in order to mobilize the masses against the “cosmopolitan-liberal intelligentsia.”
Add to this the rise of populist and nationalist parties in Britain, partly a consequence of the political and economic alienation that have resulted from globalization and economic troubles, and Labour and the Conservatives are fighting over dwindling support.
Lukashenko’s only alternative to losing sovereignty to Russia, and thus risking the wrath of his nationalist base, is to go begging to the IMF.
Following the United Kingdom’s Brexit referendum and Donald Trump’s election as US president, the question facing Europe is straightforward: Will populist and nationalist forces exert the same influence in core countries of the EU?
With the dangerous nationalist demons of Europe’s past unleashed, the EU as we know it could easily disintegrate.
If far-right nationalist leaders do come to power in some of the larger Western countries, they will soon discover that making populist promises is easier than keeping them – as Trump is now discovering amid the alarmingly chaotic start to his administration.
Yet the trend over the past century has been towards a continuous increase in the number of small states, mainly owing to nationalist revolts against multi-national empires: the latest bout of state creation followed the disintegration of the USSR.
It is uncertain how long the old clerical leadership and the country’s nationalist politicians can hold on to power, although high oil and gas prices have been shielding them so far.
Such mixed signals have further inflamed nationalist sentiments in China, and anti-Japanese demonstrations have broken out in many Chinese cities, including an attack on the Japanese ambassador’s official vehicle.
After the ascension in China of Xi Jinping, regarded by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) as its own man, Japan seems set to swing to the right in its impending election – an outcome likely to fuel nationalist passion on both sides of the Sino-Japanese rivalry.
Her populist stance on the chaebol suggests that, if elected, she might similarly pander to nationalist sentiment by taking a tough stance against Japan, especially to play down her father’s service in Japan’s military while Korea was under Japanese colonial rule.
China’s behavior has fueled a nationalist backlash in Japan, helping to turn hawkish, marginal politicians like Shintaro Ishihara into important mainstream figures.
It should come as no surprise that the Flemish nationalist party (Vlaams Belang) is hostile to immigrants too.
Ironically, monetary union will bring back into the limelight the nationalist demagogues whom Helmut Kohl hoped to banish from Europe.
But Russia needs Ukraine for nationalist as well as economic reasons.
But the rise of nationalist populism is less the cause than the result of rifts that have been forming for some time.
Trump’s invocation of patriotism has no aim other than to whitewash his nationalist and nativist tendencies.
If Trump – together with the rest of the nationalist international – continues to reject this notion of mutual benefits, he will likely manage to slow down not only China’s growth, but also that of the US.
Indeed, with the introduction of mass education in the 1960s, education in the Arab world was placed in the service of top-down nationalist projects.
Putin needs a credible rival, not the same old Kremlin-linked candidates – the communist Gennady Zyuganov, the nationalist buffoon Vladimir Zhirinovsky, and the purported liberal Grigory Yavlinsky – to join the race.
Both Poland and Hungary also provide worrying examples of politicians using nationalist and populist rhetoric to advance goals that reek of incipient authoritarianism.
Meanwhile, domestic tension in China – particularly the scandal surrounding the purge of former Chongqing Communist Party boss Bo Xilai and the country’s economic slowdown – has probably prompted the government to play the nationalist card more forcefully than usual.
But the nationalist genie, once released, is not easily controlled.
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