Multinationals
in sentence
216 examples of Multinationals in a sentence
Many of these “pocket multinationals” have invested in China.
Over the past decade, Chinese subsidiaries of Western
multinationals
accounted for more than 60% of the cumulative rise in China’s exports.
The OECD has estimated that tax avoidance by
multinationals
averages $200 billion per year – a figure that far exceeds total international development assistance.
Indeed, it runs counter to the global consensus on the need for effective international cooperation to ensure equitable collection of tax revenues, including measures to limit tax avoidance by
multinationals
and other private firms.
These companies, which include large multinationals, believe that failure to build a low-carbon economy would jeopardize America’s prosperity.
So will companies, both
multinationals
and Chinese, leave for Vietnam, Bangladesh, or Mozambique?
When the dollar is weak,
multinationals
borrow in dollars to finance their business in emerging markets, which yield higher returns in local currency.
Colombia is the only country in Latin America where you can attend seminars at world-class universities, learn about mushrooming multinationals, and chat with supremely competent policymakers, all the while knowing that citizens are confronting one another with machetes and bazookas just a few dozen miles away.
This is the ultimate aim of European efforts to raise taxes on the profits of digital multinationals, though such a tax is unlikely to do the job.
In sum, while a China-led global economy will remain open to trade, it will be less respectful of US intellectual property, less receptive to US foreign investment, and less accommodating of US exporters and
multinationals
seeking a level playing field.
Even big
multinationals
do not put a lot of money into a new idea at first.
If foreign
multinationals
dominate extractive sectors and are allowed to repatriate their profits, instead of investing them locally, ordinary citizens receive virtually no benefit from what is often their country’s largest and most profitable economic sector.
Ask any leftist activist, and the IMF competes with greedy
multinationals
as the lowest form of life.
And US
multinationals
still locate about 84% of their R&D activities in the US, often in innovation clusters around research universities.
But this share has declined during the last decade, as US
multinationals
have shifted some of their R&D from the US and Europe to Asia in response to rapidly growing markets, ample scientific and engineering talent, and generous subsidies.
Investments by Japanese multinationals, especially in manufacturing, created 856,000 jobs in the US in 2015, accounting for $72.2 billion in total compensation to US workers – second only to the United Kingdom, which created 1.1 million jobs in the US, with $84.9 billion in total compensation.
Japanese
multinationals
are top investors in ten US states, including California, Kentucky, Nebraska, and even the Rust Belt state of Ohio, where globalization-averse voters contributed significantly to Trump’s victory.
Should the primary goal be to multiply the interests of powerful
multinationals?
And foreign-direct investment has been flowing into the region, with
multinationals
hoping to capitalize on its rapidly expanding middle class and strategic location at the intersection of China, Japan, and India.
With some justification, he argues that the real cause of the fall in coffee prices was not the profiteering of multinationals, but big increases in coffee production in Brazil and Vietnam, combined with new techniques that make it possible to grow coffee with less labor and hence more cheaply.
Over the last three decades, the government has created a transitory but effective PRI to remove barriers to market entry, define new property rights, and mimic international rules, thereby facilitating external trade and enabling foreign
multinationals
to operate effectively in China.
This difference puts US-headquartered
multinationals
at a disadvantage relative to their foreign competitors in foreign locations.
To offset this, US
multinationals
take advantage of a deferral option in US tax law.
But there is perhaps a deal to be done with the Chinese on investing their reserves and with Western
multinationals
on the tax treatment of repatriated profits.
Finally, many of the Austrian parent companies were themselves subsidiaries of foreign firms, while German firms were German multinationals, which transplanted their corporate culture to their Central and Eastern European subsidiaries.
The number of inefficient workers protected by these measures is offset by the number of efficient workers laid off by foreign
multinationals
responding to political pressures in their home country.
Perhaps of greatest concern, moreover, is that the public, especially in poor countries that cannot undertake offsetting measures, will come to distrust global integration, with
multinationals
viewed as Trojan horses.
To be sure, the most promising efforts by leading
multinationals
today must confront entrenched subsidies and vested political interests.
Similarly, despite the rhetoric, many World Trade Organization agreements are the result not of the pursuit of global economic well-being, but the lobbying power of
multinationals
seeking profit-making opportunities.
The consequences of this can be seen in the Nissan-Renault debacle, which highlights the governance perils of state-invested
multinationals.
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