Monetary
in sentence
5081 examples of Monetary in a sentence
The new banking union, however imperfect, and the European Central Bank’s vow to save the euro by doing “whatever it takes,” are essential to sustaining the
monetary
union.
The German government’s efforts to crush Greece and force it to abandon the single currency have destabilized the
monetary
union.
There is no treaty provision for an exit, because the
monetary
union is conceived as a step toward a political union – and it would otherwise degenerate into a dangerously rigid and unstable fixed-exchange-rate regime.
In the civilian world, too, the most important determinant of whether an organization functions well is not the
monetary
incentive system, as standard economic models would imply, but whether its workers identify with the organization and with their job within it.
Likewise, good schooling occurs not as a result of
monetary
rewards and costs – the stock-in-trade of conventional economics – but because students, parents, and teachers identify with their schools, and because that identification is associated with learning.
The growing recognition of banks’ true function will be a game-changer in areas like
monetary
policy and financial regulation, enabling officials to tackle effectively problems like recurring banking crises, unemployment, and underdevelopment.
A crucial element of restoring confidence in Europe is agreement on a “roadmap” for the eurozone to underpin its
monetary
union with a fiscal union and a banking union, including pan-European supervision and deposit insurance.
Without higher aggregate demand, he argued, structural reform could be ineffective; and higher demand requires fiscal stimulus alongside expansionary
monetary
policy.
The Italian economists Francesco Giavazzi and Guido Tabellini have spelled out what coordinated fiscal and
monetary
policy could mean.
The Bank of England has presented QE as a purely
monetary
policy tool that sustains economic growth in the face of necessary and desirable fiscal consolidation.
Continued low interest rates allow unsuccessful companies to struggle on, slowing productivity growth; asset-price rises exacerbate inequality; and
monetary
stimulus works only by reigniting the private credit growth that generated the debt overhang in the first place.
But if fiscal stimulus must be facilitated by central bank bond purchases to prevent yield increases and to assuage fears about debt sustainability, doesn’t that amount to
monetary
financing of fiscal deficits?
The argument in favor is that failure to do so would raise fears about how increased public debt would ever be repaid, or about how the ECB would “exit” from a swollen balance sheet, in turn undermining the stimulative impact of fiscal and
monetary
coordination.
Optimal policy may therefore require a non-transparent fudge;
monetary
and fiscal “coordination” might mean, after the fact, permanent
monetary
finance, but without ever openly admitting that possibility.
That share fell further, to 9% because of misguided macroeconomic policies, especially during the Reagan era, when deficit spending and overly tight
monetary
policy caused the dollar to soar, undermining competitiveness.
Viewed from Ireland and Greece, it seems that the future of the EU project is geared toward its success in engineering a growth rebound – credit for which goes largely to
monetary
policy.
In this sense, the fact that Europe’s political leadership has not dismissed out of hand talk of more dramatic
monetary
policy from the ECB – inspired by quantitative easing in the United States – provides some hope.
Moreover, EU policymakers must pay closer attention to their actions’ effects on small countries, and institutionalize mechanisms to enable these countries to offset the negative effects of, say,
monetary
policy.
If big budget deficits don't do enough to get growth back to where China's leaders want it, and
monetary
policy will not do the trick, why not try devaluation?
China has been right to use
monetary
and fiscal policy to stimulate growth.
Meanwhile, the country’s
monetary
authorities have much more leeway to boost the economy by lowering interest rates at a time when the threat of inflation is diminishing.
The Lemmings of QENEW HAVEN – Predictably, the European Central Bank has joined the world’s other major
monetary
authorities in the greatest experiment in the history of central banking.
QE’s impact hinges on the “three Ts” of
monetary
policy: transmission (the channels by which
monetary
policy affects the real economy); traction (the responsiveness of economies to policy actions); and time consistency (the unwavering credibility of the authorities’ promise to reach specified targets like full employment and price stability).
For Europe,
monetary
policy seems more likely to be transmitted through banks, as well as through the currency channel, as a weaker euro – it has fallen some 15% against the dollar over the last year – boosts exports.
In the QE era,
monetary
policy has lost any semblance of discipline and coherence.
Keynes proposed clear prescriptions for hard economic times: expansionary
monetary
and fiscal policy.
He thought fiscal policy particularly important in situations where
monetary
policy was likely to be ineffective.
To succeed, monetary, fiscal, and structural policies must be implemented together, in a logical and mutually reinforcing order.
France’s new president, Emmanuel Macron, based his election campaign on a synthesis of “right-wing” labor reforms and a “left-wing” easing of fiscal and
monetary
conditions – and his ideas are gaining support in Germany and among European Union policymakers.
Rather than fiscal stimulation and control, the main tool of economic management nowadays is
monetary
policies conducted by independent central banks.
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