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Monetary in sentence

5081 examples of Monetary in a sentence

But this cheerleading is not the case where Europe's economic interests are at stake: it is enough to look at the EU's refusal to join the embargo against Cuba, the strength of Germany's reaction to the merger of America's two airplane manufacturers Boeing and McDonnell-Douglas, or the determination with which the EU fifteen are pushing forward with monetary union.
In Shanghai, the G-20 foreign ministers committed to use all available tools – structural, monetary, and fiscal – to boost growth rates and prevent deflation.
If the core problem is inadequate global demand, only monetary or fiscal policy can solve it.
But central bankers are right to stress the limits of what monetary policy alone can achieve.
It is simultaneously argued (sometimes even by the same people) that monetary financing would not stimulate demand because people will fear a future “inflation tax.”
Amid the confusion, the one really important political issue is ignored: whether we can design rules and allocate institutional responsibilities to ensure that monetary financing is used only in an appropriately moderate and disciplined fashion, or whether the temptation to use it to excess will prove irresistible.
One thing is certain: Relying on structural reform, on purely monetary policies, or on the fiscal policies available to governments that believe that all deficits must be financed with debt will not reverse the world’s chronic deficiency of nominal demand.
Indeed, John Taylor of Stanford University attributes the recent financial crisis to excessively stimulatory monetary policy towards the end of Alan Greenspan’s tenure as head of the US Federal Reserve.
Economic recovery is all about jobs, not output, and politicians are willing to push for economic stimulus, both fiscal (tax cuts or government spending) and monetary (lower short-term interest rates), until jobs start reappearing.
The global economic environment – characterized by massive amounts of liquidity and low interest rates stemming from unconventional monetary policy in advanced economies – led most emerging economies to use their policy space to build up existing drivers of growth, rather than develop new ones.
Across "euroland" monetary policy was focused on the harmonization of interest rates, not on their level.
With interest rates reaching almost zero, this liquidity trap has paralyzed Japan's monetary policy.
Though monetary authorities enjoy more political autonomy than other policymaking bodies, they lack the needed tools to address effectively the challenges that their countries face.
In normal times, fiscal policy would support monetary policy, including by playing a redistributive role.
The underlying issue is whether Europe’s monetary union needs greater integration to manage crises such as Greece’s, or whether it can maintain the current approach, founded on national responsibility and sanctions for those who break the rules.
But entering Europe’s economic and monetary union was meant to induce the political system to pursue longer-term goals such as productivity growth and enhanced competitiveness.
The fear is that tightening monetary policy to bear down on inflation could snuff out the faltering economic recovery.
So not only has the MPC kept interest rates at a rock-bottom 0.5% since 2009, but policy has been loosened further by the Bank of England’s so-called “quantitative easing” – that is, expanding the monetary base by the stroke of a pen in the hope of reinvigorating domestic credit markets.
In the US, where the Federal Reserve is running a similarly loose monetary policy, the situation looks rosier – at least at first sight.
Thus, compared to the Bank of England, the all-important credibility of the monetary authority seems less vulnerable in the case of the Fed.
The UK authorities have decided to prioritize fiscal consolidation while running a loose monetary policy to contain risks to the recovery from higher taxes and lower government spending.
Chinese government debt will become an important global benchmark asset, which should help its private sector to attract funding on reasonable terms, while the predominance of the US Federal Reserve in determining worldwide monetary conditions would presumably diminish.
Inflation came down rapidly, from more than 10% in 1981 to less than 4% in 1983, because Reagan backed the tough monetary policies of US Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker.
It tied the local currency to the British Pound, giving local authorities no discretion in monetary policy.
Unfortunately, that is not how monetary policy works: QE will not be enough, and no one should be naive about that.
More generally, he fears that the expansion of anonymous monetary exchange erodes social cohesion, and argues for reducing money’s role in society.
But if people believe that the moneyed are primarily those who are well connected or crooked, their tolerance for monetary transactions falls.
Rather than focusing on prohibiting monetary transactions, perhaps a more important lesson imparted by Sandel’s examples is that we should work continuously to improve the perceived legitimacy of money’s distribution.
I disagree with Heise and Hamada, but they rightly focus on the central issue – the risk that allowing any monetary finance will invite excessive use.
I believe we can and must, and that in some countries the alternative will not be no monetary finance, but monetary finance implemented without discipline.
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