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Missiles in sentence

490 examples of Missiles in a sentence

And just as these two Asian land powers cultivate Kim Jong Il, Washington is seeking talks over missiles with Pyongyang and Tokyo is eager to reestablish diplomatic relations with the North.
The North Korean regime, led by Kim Jong-un, is engaged in a remorseless quest to develop nuclear weapons and intercontinental missiles capable of delivering them.
Indeed, so far, Iran has kept its promises, though its leaders do have a tendency to push the limits, such as when it conducted a test of medium-range ballistic missiles in January.
That Iran – a country whose president never tires of calling for Israel’s annihilation and that threatens Israel’s northern and southern borders through its massive support of proxy wars waged by Hezbollah and Hamas – might one day have missiles with nuclear warheads is Israel’s worst security nightmare.
This concept was codified in the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABM) Treaty, in which the United States and the Soviet Union agreed to keep to a minimum their capacity to shoot down the ballistic missiles of the other side.
Moreover, maintaining large inventories of missiles is dangerous – the chance of accidental or unauthorized launches can never be eliminated – and expensive.
A number of countries, including but not limited to North Korea, Iraq and Iran, are developing ballistic missiles and possibly nuclear weapons to go with them.
Depending on their range, these missiles could threaten US troops in critical regions, American allies or US territory.
The third development involves the emergence (and promise) of new technologies that make the prospect of intercepting ballistic missiles at one or another stage of their flight – hitting a bullet with a bullet – more real than ever before.
It wants to persuade Russia to agree to amend the 1972 ABM Treaty to allow each side to build a limited national missile defense with 100 interceptor missiles located in Alaska and possibly 150 more at a second site.
Instead, the US should undertake three things: aggressive testing of various architectures for a missile defense system, including sea-based systems that could intercept missiles in the immediate post-launch, boost phase before warheads and decoys can be released; careful study of the consequences of moving to various mixes of offensive and defensive systems; and intense consultations with Russia, China and America's allies in Europe and Asia about how to maintain strategic stability in the post-Cold War era.
Of course, the West's ingratitude has been marked: America withdrew from the 1972 ABM Treaty and has now rammed a vague disarmament agreement - to be signed during the summit and which will allow the US not to destroy surplus missiles and warheads but rather to put them in cold storage - down Putin's throat.
Since then, we have learnt all too unambiguously that Saddam is obsessed with procuring weapons of mass destruction - chemical and biological warheads as well as atomic bombs and the missiles to deliver them.
When we arrived in Cairo, it seemed that everywhere one looked there was evidence of the Soviet presence – Soviet tanks, missiles, and troops.
Iran frequently alludes to its right to maintain a modern military, with advanced missiles, though unlike, say, North Korea, it stops short of claiming a right to nuclear weapons.
A modern nation whose military information is corrupted or disarmed - its satellites flying out of their orbits, its computer screens foaming with nonsense, its missiles curving back to strike its own cities - could be as thoroughly humbled as one smashed by physical bombs.
Its demonstrative (but not damaging) use of cruise missiles in response to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s contemptible chemical attack on his own people was a decision taken straight from former President Bill Clinton’s playbook.
It is likely that Iranian teams have been working on the mechanics of a nuclear explosive device, at least at the blueprint stage, and the country is also developing ballistic missiles that would bring many regional capitals within range of a nuclear attack – Israeli cities, of course, being the obvious targets.
From nuclear-tipped missiles down to trucks full of fertilizer or explosives worn as belts, we have used our technology to amplify greatly the dark parts of our nature as a violent—and not even a properly predatory—species.
Rare disaster risk is most likely a contributing factor in such episodes, and it may be even more relevant for explaining short-term dynamics in financial markets when missiles fly.
The rumored proposal in October 2002 by Jiang Zemin, China's former president, in a meeting with President Bush to withdraw Chinese missiles in exchange for a termination of US military sales to Taiwan is but one example.
President John F. Kennedy’s first meeting with Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev stands out in American political lore: the young American President somehow comes across as underwhelming to his Soviet counterpart, who then tries to get away with deploying long-range nuclear missiles in Cuba, a move that brought the US and USSR as close to war as they ever came.
Recent tests of nuclear weapons and long-range missiles – including the country’s most powerful nuclear test ever, carried out last month – show just how close the Hermit Kingdom is to achieving its goals.
Given the current regional security environment– international terrorism tied to local, Asian-based terrorists, various challenges to the security of vital sea lanes, North Korea’s search for nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles, and China’s rapid enhancement of its naval power–, Asia today is far less stable and more complex than it was when Japan's constitution was written.
These structural elements have been reinforced by developments in the region, which have reinforced the sense among Israeli voters that they are threatened by numerous enemies: Iran and its nuclear ambitions;Hezbollah and Hamas and their missiles; the rise of ISIS amid state failure in Iraq, Syria, and elsewhere.
But now that North Korea is overtly threatening to launch missiles at the US territory of Guam, and being further provoked by Trump, its response to another round of UFG could be less symbolic, and far more devastating.
And the “security fence,” which was to allow for unilateral separation, may hold back suicide bombers but not modern missiles of the kind currently employed by Hezbollah.
After years of accelerated missile development, which culminated in successful tests of intercontinental ballistic missiles and, allegedly, a hydrogen bomb last year, North Korea’s nuclear program has become an imminent threat not only to its neighbors, but also to the United States.
To help prevent this outcome, and with Kim refusing to discuss denuclearization with his “brethren” in the South (at whom he claims his missiles are not aimed), Moon now must figure out how to build up the intra-Korea dialogue to enable talks between North Korea and the US.
Who Lost the South China Sea?SINGAPORE – US Defense Secretary Jim Mattis has spoken out against China’s strategy of “intimidation and coercion” in the South China Sea, including the deployment of anti-ship missiles, surface-to-air missiles, and electronic jammers, and, more recently, the landing of nuclear-capable bomber aircraft at Woody Island.
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