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Missile in sentence

564 examples of Missile in a sentence

American START negotiators argued with their Russian colleagues for months to exclude legally binding language that might constrain missile defenses or the use of non-nuclear warheads on long-range ballistic missiles.
As North Korea inches closer to developing a nuclear-tipped missile that can hit the continental US, Trump has threatened the country with “fire and fury like the world has never seen.”
Of course, from Israeli leaders’ perspective, the status quo, with its absence of terror and missile strikes, is anything but negative.
On February 15, at least 50 people, including women and children, were killed by missile attacks on schools and hospitals in northern Syria, according to the United Nations.
Certainly, the crystal-ball effect had a strong influence on US and Soviet leaders during the Cuban missile crisis.
At some point, the US may determine that diplomacy has a role in managing the North Korean nuclear and missile challenges.
President John F. Kennedy’s insistence, against much advice, on containment during the Cuban missile crisis saved the world from nuclear war.
But now, with the Japanese experiencing a period of domestic political uncertainty, and North Korea’s nuclear tests and missile launches increasing their anxiety, will Japan reverse its long-standing decision not to seek a national nuclear-deterrent capability?
Credibility is also enhanced by joint projects such as the development of regional ballistic missile defense.
One day last week saw the son of its “Dear Leader” Kim Jong Il arrested while entering Japan on a false passport (supposedly to take his son to Tokyo’s Disneyland), the next day brought a promise to maintain its moratorium on missile testing until 2003 as well as continue sales of missile technologies to countries like Iran.
While missile defense is most likely unnecessary, given the absence of any serious threat, the Obama administration and other American realists – who are aware of the impossibility and uselessness of creating a multi-layered anti-ballistic missile (ABM) system – need such talks.
The most immediate question concerns the possibility of another Israel-Hezbollah war, fears of which have mounted throughout this year, fueled by reports of new missile transfers to Hezbollah and intermittent threats from Israel.
Hezbollah is preparing intensively for such scenarios, building defenses, digging tunnels, and assembling a powerful missile arsenal.
By establishing a no-fly zone – which could be defended using sea-based missile systems – the US and its partners would demonstrate to Assad that their patience has finally run out, and that they are prepared to defend Syrians within Syria.
Making Economic Sanctions on North Korea WorkCAMBRIDGE – Last week, in a brazen rebuff to tough new United Nations sanctions, North Korean leader Kim Jong-un’s regime fired a ballistic missile over the northern Japanese island of Hokkaido – its second launch over Japan in less than three weeks.
North Korea will be on the agenda after its missile tests, as will Myanmar, since its generals persist in prosecuting Aung San Suu Kyi, the world’s most famous political detainee, on trivial charges.
And it has leased several islands in the crisis-ridden Maldives, where it is set to build a marine observatory that will provide subsurface data supporting the deployment of nuclear-powered attack submarines (SSNs) and nuclear-powered ballistic missile subs (SSBNs) in the Indian Ocean.
The Unha-3, a three-stage rocket weighing 92 tons, follows the Unha-2, which failed spectacularly in 2009, so the evident progress that North Korea has made in its missile technology in such a short period has shocked governments around the world.
China’s leaders oppose stiffer sanctions against North Korea for a simple reason: they fear the frailty of Kim Jong-un’s regime more than they fear the international security consequences of the missile launch.
If the Kim regime timed the missile launch to have a direct impact on elections in nearby Japan and South Korea, it may have succeeded merely in boosting support for defense-oriented conservative parties.
Thus, the missile launch can be viewed as an indication of how threatened the Kim dynasty feels: the regime appears to believe that it must blackmail its closest ally in order to maintain its support.
Indeed, keen observers of North Korea suggest that Kim Jong-un ordered the missile launch as a way to strengthen his grip on power while he still has the experienced and ruthless Kim Kyong-hui’s backing.
North Korea’s missile launch, coming amid the internal uncertainty arising from Kim Kyong-hui’s failing health, creates an extremely dangerous situation for the international community.
On July 4 – Independence Day in the US – North Korea gave Americans an unwanted birthday present, successfully testing the Hwasong-14, an intercontinental ballistic missile that analysts say has the capacity to reach Alaska.
Indeed, we are now witnessing a slow-motion repeat of the Cuban missile crisis.
This is partly because, unlike the Cuban missile crisis, the North Korean crisis is a three-player game (at least).
Trump’s main objections to the deal are that it does not address Iran’s misbehavior in the region or its ballistic missile program, nor does it prevent Iran from restarting its nuclear program after 2025.
To that end, Trump should be confronted with a clear choice: either preserve the JCPOA, in exchange for European support in addressing regional issues and Iran’s missile program; or scrap the deal and risk the loss of European cooperation and the emergence of a nuclear-armed Iran.
Shortly after Hariri’s announcement, Saudi Arabia intercepted a missile that Houthi rebels in Yemen had fired at Riyadh.
According to Saudi Arabia, because the Houthis are backed by Iran, their attempted missile strike was tantamount to an Iranian “act of war.”
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