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Military in sentence

8691 examples of Military in a sentence

After all, beyond putting pressure on NATO’s eastern flank, Russia has been building its military capabilities to NATO’s south.
This means changes in Israeli military policy, travel restrictions, and political posturing, and an end to one-upmanship by both sides.
In such circumstances, one might expect a traditional Latin American military coup.
Rather, the government gives the military a free hand in running the drug trade, making many generals and officials extremely rich – and able to buy the loyalty of key troops.
But the possibility of attack was of course anticipated, and military planners determined that the only possible response was to counterattack as heavily and for as long as might be needed, until Palestinian attacks would stop, whether from exhaustion or agreement.
Hamas’s control of the Palestinian Authority does not diminish or increase the need for Israeli military action, but it does increase its political benefits, because the fighting and destruction tells Gaza’s population that their rulers are endangering their physical survival.
As for Hezbollah, the Israeli military response is by no means confined to retaliation.
Of course, in both Gaza and southern Lebanon, the outcome is pre-determined by the one-sided military balance.
It would be a fatal error to believe that since we spend money on armed forces to this end, national defense is solely a military affair to which the rest of the population need not pay attention.
It also had the backing of a majority of the Council, the support of the Arab League and the Organization of the Islamic Conference, and the open military participation of two Arab states.
But, while the rejection of humanitarian military intervention had an element of tragedy in that case, Germany’s behavior today is pure farce.
This time, he has instructed a committee of historians to reexamine the official apology delivered in 1993 to World War II-era sex slaves held in Japanese military brothels.
Most Japanese, heartily sick of war and military bullying, were happy to go along with all of this.
Books about the infamous Nanking Massacre of 1937, or the enslavement of “comfort women” in military brothels, were denounced as “historical masochism” or dismissed as “the Tokyo Trial View of History.”
That is why Abe can get away with appointing cronies to the board of NHK, the national broadcasting company, who openly claim that the military brothels were an entirely private enterprise and that the Nanking Massacre was a foreign fabrication.
Though it has lagged behind the privatization of military services, the privatization of intelligence expanded dramatically with the growth in intelligence activities after the September 11, 2001, attacks on the US.
Yet the privatization of intelligence raises many larger concerns familiar to the debates over private military and security companies (PMSCs).
And the West’s policies toward Russia – economic sanctions or military exercises in border countries like Poland – are not necessarily wrong.
No power can be preeminent if it cannot maintain its military advantage over rivals.
Without cooperation from allies such as Japan, South Korea, Singapore, and the Philippines, the US could not retain its forward military positions in the West Pacific.
Combined with the raw military capacity that the US brings to the table, this means that America is powerful enough to enforce the peace and provide stability for commerce to thrive.
Were an Asian country like China to rise to the top, it would not need the same level of regional cooperation and acquiescence to maintain its position and military footholds.
Moreover, just when we were beginning to think that the Iraqi tragedy had made the limits of unilateralism and preemptive military strategies clear to all, the Bush administration encourages Israel’s military action – this time against a country that has painfully been attempting to consolidate democratic reform and to reafirm its sovereignty in relation to Syria .
What is needed is a European initiative that is backed by a credible military deterrent, consisting of forces from the EU, Turkey, and Arab countries, to be dispatched under a UN mandate to Lebanon and Gaza.
They know that, for a country like China, whose growing economic and military power risks scaring its neighbors into forming counter-balancing coalitions, a smart strategy must include efforts to appear less frightening.
The new administration will have to be smart about pursuing other goals, such as trade and military cooperation, with these countries.
A New Chance for DarfurNEW BRUNSWICK, NEW JERSEY – As the crisis in Sudan’s Darfur region worsens and negotiaitions to end it drag on, an international consensus is emerging around a “muscular” policy based on public denunciation, severe economic sanctions, and, increasingly, threats of military force.
This agenda’s interventionism is incremental: tougher economic sanctions, demands that China exercise its influence, creation of a “no-fly zone,” and military force against the Sudanese army.
Worse, given the splintering of rebel forces in the South, where an estimated 80 tribes and clans control their own militias, a military response could generate a power vacuum in Sudan and destabilize the nine countries – many of them fragile or failed states – on its borders.
Western analysts and activists should have learned by now that and military threats produce only resistance, and that genuine diplomacy involves using carrots as well as sticks.
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