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Military in sentence

8691 examples of Military in a sentence

That may not be the sort of outside intervention that could cure the ills of centuries of repression and underdevelopment overnight, but “we” need to stop searching for a non-existent panacea, and instead do something better than feeding the Egyptian military.
Huge pockets of previously hidden deprivation are coming into view as the military retakes territory.
But nobody knew with any precision just when open revolt against Burma’s military dictatorship would erupt.
In Burma, the power of educated Buddhist monks – people who are unarmed and peace loving by their very nature – has risen up against the military regime.
So how is it possible that the international community remains incapable of responding effectively to dissuade Burma’s military rulers from escalating the force that they have begun to unleash in Rangoon and its Buddhist temples?
However, Cyprus remains a conflict zone: there are still fortified streets in Nicosia, a United Nations peacekeeping operation patrols the buffer zone, and there is a substantial Turkish military force in the north.
And Putin has expressed concerns that the 1960 Japan-US Security Treaty would extend to the disputed islands if they were returned, thus allowing the US to establish a military presence there.
Educating for Myanmar’s FutureGENEVA – The violence that has ravaged Myanmar’s Rakhine State underscores the challenges the country faces on its bumpy road from military rule to democracy.
Before military rule was imposed in 1962, Myanmar’s education system was among the best in Asia.
The Future of ForceMUNICH – At the World Economic Forum’s recent annual meeting in Davos, I participated in a panel of defense leaders to discuss the future of the military.
America’s military interventions in these countries exemplify another key challenge of modern warfare.
As outgoing US Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel pointed out in a recent interview, in war, “things can get out of control, and drift and wander” in ways that can cause a military to fall into a more “accelerated” use of force than was initially anticipated.
While particular generational delineations are somewhat arbitrary, they reflect an important trend: the blurring of the military front and the civilian rear.
In Lebanon in 2006, Hezbollah fought Israel through well-trained cells that combined propaganda, conventional military tactics, and rockets launched from densely populated civilian areas, achieving what many in the region considered a political victory.
This kind of warfare emerged largely in response to America’s overwhelming conventional military advantage after the Soviet Union’s collapse, underscored by its victory in the 1991 Iraq War, with only 148 American casualties, and its intervention in the 1999 conflict in Kosovo, in which no American lives were lost.
In China, for example, military planners developed a strategy of “unrestricted warfare” that combines electronic, diplomatic, cyber, terrorist-proxy, economic, and propaganda tools to deceive and exhaust US systems.
As one Chinese military official put it, “the first rule of unrestricted warfare is that there are no rules.”
For their part, terrorist groups, recognizing that they cannot defeat a conventional military in a direct war, attempt to use governments’ own power against them.
With violent theatrics, Osama bin Laden outraged and provoked the US, driving it to overreact in ways that destroyed its credibility, weakened its alliances in the Muslim world, and ultimately exhausted its military – and, in a sense, its society.
The Islamic State is now employing a similar strategy, mixing ruthless military operations with an incendiary social-media campaign, punctuated by photos and videos of brutal executions, including the beheading of US and other Western citizens.
The US, for its part, must balance continued support for its conventional military forces, which remain an important deterrent in Asia and Europe, with investment in a broad portfolio of alternative capabilities that conflicts in the Middle East require.
And there is now evidence suggesting that Russian military intelligence agencies are wielding influence in Poland’s Ministry of Defense.
Then, Macierewicz’s defense ministry unexpectedly canceled a contract with France for the purchase of 50 Caracal helicopters, leaving Poland without a crucial military capacity to this day.
And earlier this year, Macierewicz fired 90% of the military’s General Staff and 82% of its General Command, and formed a new military force whose leadership consists of pro-Kremlin activists and NATO critics.
The country’s rapid economic growth, strategic potential, huge internal market, and enormous investment in infrastructure, education, and research and development, as well as its massive military buildup, will see to that.
The official policy of “Four Modernizations” (industrial, agricultural, military, and scientific-technological) that has underpinned China’s rise since the late 1970’s has failed to provide an answer to that question, because the “fifth modernization” – the emergence of democracy and the rule of law – is still missing.
The US prevailed not because of its military superiority, but because of its soft power, and because its hegemony was based not on coercion (though there was some of that, too), but largely on consent.
Thousands of military personnel, suddenly deprived of income and status, found new hope in the incipient Salafist Sunni insurgency, led by Al Qaeda in Iraq, the precursor to the Islamic State (ISIS).
While interned in centers like Camp Bucca in Southeastern Iraq, ex-Baathists and Salafists commingled, and the military experience of the former fused with the ideological extremism of the latter.
For the US, in particular, one of the most important lessons of the past 15 years is that military interventions aimed at regime change will almost always lead to disaster, especially in the absence of a sensible plan for what comes next.
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