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Military in sentence

8691 examples of Military in a sentence

Yet anyone who would like to predict Sharon's future behavior should remember that unlike Begin and Shamir, Sharon comes from the military, and for him security - not ideology - is supreme.
Russia has also sent ships and warplanes to threaten the coasts of other Western countries, abducted an Estonian intelligence officer on NATO territory, and sustained an ongoing military buildup in Eastern Europe, the Arctic, and elsewhere.
Continued Russian attacks on Western political systems, or even an outright military attack in Europe, could go unanswered by the US.
And historians have come to acknowledge that the Nationalist government’s flaws – corruption, inflation, military weakness – were, in part, a product of its long war against Japan, which it waged essentially alone between 1937 and the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941.
And, in the face of ongoing military operations, most schools in Waziristan have remain closed for the past 7 years, depriving a generation of children of education and opportunity.
Donald Rumsfeld’s dogma of military “transformation” – the technological upgrading of an army’s capacity to enable decisive victory with fewer troops – failed resoundingly in Iraq.
When geo-strategic military front lines are non-existent, as in Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq, mass no longer equals victory.
The great military thinker Carl von Clausewitz’s notion of “decisive battles” as the “center of gravity” of war is simply irrelevant to conflicts that have no visible “center of gravity.”
Moreover, in an era of global media and international war crimes courts, the criteria for states’ use of military force have become more complex than ever.
The facile Clausewitzian wisdom that military action ultimately leads to a political solution is no longer convincing.
The Iraq war and Israel’s wars with Hamas and Hezbollah show the limits of what military power can achieve, as well as vindicate diplomacy and conflict resolution.
When it comes to tackling complex political and cultural conflicts, forging international and regional alliances around a legitimate objective is more important than sheer military capacity.
Iraq's Next Shock Will be Shock TherapyWith one exception - the actual military "victory," which looks increasingly Pyrrhic - President Bush's Iraqi adventure has been marked by repeated failures.
Of course, military intervention for purposes beyond defending one’s country remains possible, but requires a UN Security Council resolution.
Reassuring alliance governments does not require only that “any constructive engagement would have to be based on military reassurances within NATO,” as prominent experts like Wolfgang Ischinger and Ulrich Weisser have said.
The military doctrine that it unveiled in February this year lists both internal and external threats, but its primary emphasis was on portraying the US and NATO as a danger.
That means that we must think about how to broaden the application of our commitments to reciprocal transparency to all military forces in Europe – including conventional and nuclear forces and missile-defense installations.
It further rightly suggests that NATO’s strategic political and military objectives could be achieved jointly with Russia through greater stability, mutual transparency, predictability, and arms reduction verified by non-proliferation and arms control agreements.
Putin's Puppies and Russian DemocracyWhen overseeing military exercises from aboard a nuclear submarine near Scandinavia, Vladimir Putin announced that Russia had developed a new missile system, the finest in the world.
The submarine that Putin was on resembled the Kursk, which exploded during a similar military exercise in 2000, killing 118 sailors.
Military reform has yet to begin.
True, Egypt's military regime – whose foreign minister, Sameh Shoukry, raised eyebrows when he appeared near the head of the march in Paris – released the Al Jazeera journalist Peter Greste from prison, and has since freed two other journalists, Mohamed Fahmy and Baher Mohamed, on bail.
The idea for our book was inspired by an incident in 2007, when the statue of a Soviet soldier, the symbol of occupation forces in Estonia, was relocated from central Tallinn to a military cemetery elsewhere in the city.
Just three weeks after staging the most brutal military coup in Egypt’s history, he wanted “all honorable, decent Egyptians” to take to the streets to march for the military, thereby giving him and his army “a mandate and an order to fight potential violence and terrorism.”
In fact, the military itself has been a leading perpetrator – and instigator – of violence.
The crackdown culminated on August 14, 2013, when the military stormed sit-ins in Cairo’s Raba‘a Square and Giza’s al-Nahda Square, and carried out what Human Rights Watch called the “worst mass unlawful killings in Egypt’s modern history” and “a likely crime against humanity.”
Afterward, the military spokesperson declared that 78 “terrorists” had been killed and 207 arrested, effectively ending terrorism in the Sinai.
A few months later, Sinai insurgents shot down a Mi-17 helicopter that belonged to the Second Field Army, an unprecedented display of military capacity.
Like other ISIS-affiliated groups, the so-called Sinai Province publishes its military metrics and reports both monthly and annually.
In the first two months of this year, SP reported that it had destroyed 25 armored vehicles (including tanks, minesweepers, and bulldozers) and killed 100 soldiers (the military acknowledged 37).
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