Military
in sentence
8691 examples of Military in a sentence
Though of little
military
importance, it was politically significant and in several ways marked a turning point in American history.
Never mind the fact that they try to pass F-4 Phantoms for MiGs (and MiG-29s at that!), it's the entire idea that the US and Soviet would cooperate in a
military
operation to knock out a nuclear missile plant (and what the hell is THAT if I may ask?) in an arab country.
In the case of Syria, the US, the world’s largest and most flexible
military
power, has chosen to negotiate with its hands tied behind its back for more than three years.
On the other hand, talk of
military
intervention – which, under the circumstances, would largely boil down to air strikes – is cheap.
In fact, with large parts of the world most likely condemning any attack,
military
intervention could clear the diplomatic path to an Iranian bomb.
Iranian opposition forces would likely be the first victim of Western
military
action, and, elsewhere in the region, the Arab Spring would likely be submerged under a massive anti-Western wave of solidarity with Iran.
Earlier this month, both leaders – along with British Prime Minister Theresa May – ordered strikes on Syrian
military
installations, following a chemical-weapons attack on rebel-held territory allegedly carried out by President Bashar al-Assad’s forces.
In the end, in the US, it was the approach of World War II and the associated demand for
military
goods that led private-sector employers to hire the long-term unemployed at wages they would accept.
Some form of joint
military
exercises, something which Japan and China have not yet contemplated, were also broached.
In May of this year, the Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack will publish its “Education Under Attack” report, which confirms that wars and
military
engagements are affecting education more severely than any time in recent memory.
According to the United Nations, in 15 of those countries, government soldiers or rebel forces seized schools for
military
use.
Complicating matters further,
military
theatrics resumed just two days after the friendly visit to Incheon, when a boat from the DPRK crossed the disputed Northern Limit Line (NLL) in the Yellow Sea, inciting a ten-minute firefight with South Korean forces.
For instance, a democratic and prosperous Russia would make a greater contribution to peace in the region than any amount of
military
spending by NATO would.
Saudi Arabia invokes US
military
power to contain its regional rival, Iran.
The world must steadfastly resist another ruinous US
military
adventure.
Although the EU had no high-profile successes comparable to the
military
intervention in Libya in 2011, it performed surprisingly well in its external relations – especially given the deep crisis with which it continued to struggle.
Europe’s lack of a collective defense strategy, together with declining investment in
military
capacity, is also a serious obstacle to its continuing global influence as a security actor.
Contrary to his bluster over unfair trade deficits, China’s real challenge to the United States is less about economics and more about the race for technological and
military
supremacy.
Much has been written about the historical trajectory of great powers and the
military
conflicts that often arise during their rise and fall.
As Yale historian Paul Kennedy has long stressed, a condition of “imperial overreach” arises when the projection of
military
power outstrips a country’s shaky economic foundations.
Back then, the US was spending $270 billion on defense – less than half the $700 billion authorized in the current budget, which now outstrips the combined
military
outlays of China, Russia, the United Kingdom, India, France, Japan, Saudi Arabia, and Germany.
Can power politics offset the increasingly tenuous fundamentals of a saving-short US economy that continues to account for a disproportionate share of global
military
spending?
Yet its strategy will succeed only if China capitulates on the core principles of the growth strategy that frames President Xi Jinping’s great power aspirations: indigenous innovation, technological and
military
supremacy, and pan-regional leadership.
The “anything is possible” sensation of the Tahrir Square rebellion had faded, and now two candidates whom the protesters deeply opposed, the Muslim Brotherhood’s Mohamed Morsi, and Ahmed Shafiq, a factotum of the old regime (and of the current
military
government), prepared to face off in the second round.
The triad of fundamental forces driving Egypt since the beginning of the Arab Spring – the military, the mosque, and the masses in Tahrir Square, each with different types of power and interests – was thus broken.
Those who filled Tahrir Square 16 months ago were silenced, and the expected transfer of power from the
military
to a civilian, democratic government was thrown into doubt.
Only this will give a Morsi administration the necessary legitimacy and capacity to carry out a joint transition with the
military
for a true change of regime.
Iran has provided substantial support to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s regime, while Turkey has advocated
military
intervention on behalf of opposition forces.
While trade continues, the two countries’
military
relations were halted abruptly.
Turkey’s
military
is already planning to defend the country against an Iranian attack – a move that may lead Turkey to take a more aggressive stance on Syria.
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