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Member in sentence

4717 examples of Member in a sentence

The EU – which actually does, in its current configuration, leave its member governments short of policy tools to meet their citizens’ evolving needs – is an easy target.
Never mind that, as a member of the eurozone, Germany has no exchange rate to manipulate.
Almost immediately after the June 2016 Brexit referendum, the EU’s 27 other member states agreed to the “Bratislava Roadmap,” charting the course for a future without the United Kingdom.
With time, member states’ economies started to recover, and new instruments for coordinating economic policy within the eurozone were adopted.
Turkey’s accession talks with the EU have ground almost to a halt, owing partly to outright hostility against Turkey in some EU member states.
The World Bank’s 25 Executive Directors, representing 187 member countries, must now confirm the choice from among three nominees.
Indeed, Article 53 of the Charter defined the formerly fascist Axis countries as "enemy states" of the UN, so that Italy had to wait until 1955 to become a member.
In this context, the veto power conferred on the victors of World War Two was not concerned with "internal" conflicts among the member states; it extended only to threats to peace from countries outside the UN consensus.
The same should hold with respect to the new UN: to join and remain a UN member would require respecting the international commitments undertaken by each state, beginning with the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
The day after the Durban conference, Canada officially withdrew from the Kyoto Protocol, which Russia and Japan have already declined to extend, leaving only the EU’s member states and a few other countries committed to further reductions.
Russia’s insistence on a balance of power approach, and its mercantilist geopolitical philosophy, is stimulating the re-nationalization of the foreign policy of EU member states.
Faced with an invasion of Russian state-minded companies, EU member states are tempted to ring-fence certain sectors of their economies (such as domestic energy markets), threatening the liberal economic order that is at the centre of the European project.
The EU’s main objective in institutional terms, regarding its relations with Russia, should be to ground the institutions of the new European order around the EU as a principal policy actor and not on the individual member states.
The transformation of the OSCE into a political forum where EU member states will be individually represented by the EU, for example, could be the type of institutional innovation that can block Russia’s effort to split the union.
New pledges by the European Union and its member states total $1.2 billion, bringing total European contributions to $4.5 billion.
Global companies recognize that, as the only English-speaking member of the eurozone, Ireland is ideally placed as a gateway to Europe.
Crucially, we are also a member of the second-largest currency area in the world.
At the very least, the coming enlargement will call for much more majority voting in the Council of Ministers, if the Union is not be paralyzed by 27 member states and 27 national vetoes.
But most member states are unwilling to contemplate anything that far-reaching.
In principle, the Commission ought to be slimmed down after enlargement, with fewer Commissioners than member states.
Equally, big member states ought to have more votes in the Council of Ministers, to reflect their greater populations.
Small member states do not like either proposition, because they would lose Commissioners and votes.
Yet, the 15 member states may compensate for their collective failure of nerve by opening up easier options for flexible or multi-speed integration.
This might be a way round the majority voting dilemma, since it would allow groups of member states to cooperate together in particular areas, without waiting for the unanimous agreement of all partners.
It seems evident that this principle will be effectively binding on all member states, and all candidates for membership.
In Germany and other member states, economic growth no longer seems certain.
If the enlarged EU were to attempt on a Europe-wide scale what Germany did for its eastern lands, current EU members would need to transfer roughly 4% of their combined GDP to the new member states for at least a decade.
Does it really make sense that two European Union member countries hold a veto power on the Security Council while the Third World (outside of China) is completely unrepresented?
The Spanish government lacks the funds to counter this effect with public spending, and the eurozone lacks fiscal mechanisms to compensate weaker member states.
Because this enlargement round is likely to be the last for a long time, if not forever, it is urgent for member states to think seriously about re-writing the EU treaties to deal with the new reality, in terms which will be workable for the long term.
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