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Member in sentence

4717 examples of Member in a sentence

But nothing prevents the IMF from demanding policy commitments from regional bodies when lending to their member governments.
Ban, in turn, has openly chastised member states for not giving him sufficient resources.
Kazakhstan was never one to settle for being an accepted member of the liberal world order.
That is why Kazakhstan sought the chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Cooperation (OSCE) in Europe, which it obtained in 2010, and pursued a difficult but ultimately successful campaign to become a non-permanent UN Security Council member in 2017-2018.
Since then, he has made leaving the EU his life’s work (even though he takes full advantage of all the perks and privileges of being a member of the European Parliament).
But those campaigning for Brexit overlook the fact that Europe has become a truly open free market, something that the UK has always wanted, and that the UK was one of the few EU member states not to limit the entry of workers after the EU’s eastward expansion of 2004.
The most visible concession he was able to obtain in negotiations with the EU’s other 27 member states is an agreement to limit access to social benefits for citizens residing in a country different from their own.
He has also agreed to a type of non-aggression pact with the eurozone, which pledges to respect “the rights and competences of the non-participating member States” in exchange for a British promise not to oppose the deepening of the economic and monetary union.
The OLA has attracted a great deal of bipartisan support in recent years, including on the FDIC’s Systemic Resolution Advisory Committee (the SRAC, of which I am a member).
When Russia, a veto-wielding permanent member of the Council, opposed the US-backed overthrow of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, the US would have been wise to abstain from covert operations to topple him.
Finally, the United Kingdom and Europe will both be better off if the UK remains an EU member, but there is a real danger of a semi-detached status.
This is the case for the EU today, which helps member countries get the most beneficial deals for their own citizens, not at the expense of global partnerships, but in order to establish the best basis for such partnerships.
But the EU’s unpopularity should not drive countries to exit; it should spur reform that embraces all EU member countries and improves the way the EU functions, rather than merely tinkers with the structure.
Such a strategy could follow the British “northern powerhouse” model – which I helped to create as a member of the government – focused on revitalizing the economies of the former heartland of British manufacturing.
But adopting the reforms requires approval by the IMF’s member countries; and, though the United States was among those that voted in favor of the measure, President Barack Obama has been unable to secure Congressional approval.
The quotas for each member country have already been agreed, so there would be no need for further complex and time-consuming negotiations.
The member states do not seem ready to make the necessary reforms and bear the costs of enlargement.
The re-nationalisation of the priorities of the member states became clear at the Berlin summit earlier this year.
The negotiations on the so-called 'Agenda 2000' were marked by squabbling between the member states defending their vested interests.
Nor is this straitjacket of regulations the best way to equip free market economies to compete if parts of it are not implemented by existing member states themselves.
In 1952 Turkey (like Greece) became a member of Nato; in 1963 Turkey became an associated state of the European Community.
In 1987, however, when Turkey applied for full membership of the European Community, the Commission gave it the thumbs down: Turkey was too poor and too populous (before the unification of Germany, it was bigger than any member state); its human rights record was unacceptable; and it was disqualified by its invasion of northern Cyprus in 1974.
But now the European Union's security, in the south-east Mediterranean, is in jeopardy to the fact that Turkey (a member of Nato) and Greece (a member of the EU and of Nato) are at daggers drawn.
Governments of the member states have no desire to see a weakening of the Commission.
Their choice of Romano Prodi as the President of the new Commission has been explained by some in cynical terms: Jacques Santer, the outgoing President, was a Christian Democrat from a small Northern member state (Luxembourg); the next President had to be a Left-of-Centre politician, from a large member state in the south of the EU.
Romano Prodi’s most important characteristic is not that he is Italian or left-of centre, but that he is a former prime minister of a large member state.
The outgoing President, Jacques Santer, had been prime minister of Luxembourg; but the original choice of the member states five years ago, until vetoed for stupid reasons by British prime minister John Major, had been Jean-Luc Dehaene, Belgium’s prime minister.
This will be a revolutionary change in the European system, which has hitherto operated as if each member state has total freedom to nominate its “own” Commissioner(s), and even to lobby for their portfolios.
There is only one answer: the losers, in this crisis, can only be the member states; either directly; or indirectly, through the weakening of the independence of “their” national Commissioners.
What is clear, is that EU member states do not have an inspiring political project of their own in mind.
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