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Measures in sentence

4117 examples of Measures in a sentence

Bilaterally, such cooperation might involve an investment treaty, a joint intelligence task force on terrorism, a cyber-security protocol, agreed measures for managing unplanned military incidents, and mutual ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty.
In the process, the US damaged the reputation for effective economic management that it had earned during the global financial crisis, when bold and timely measures prevented a period of reckless private risk-taking and financial leverage from ending in Great Depression II.
NATO and the SCO could work together on neutralizing anti-personnel mines in Afghanistan, as well as other possible types of confidence-building measures, such as joint police training and counter-narcotics operations.
If security cooperation is to be a success, politically sensitive issues should be avoided, with the emphasis squarely on practical measures.
But new measures introduced last month have driven an increasingly frustrated population – which, until recently, had endured painful austerity with little of the public outcry seen elsewhere in southern Europe – to the streets to demand a general election two years ahead of schedule.
But additional measures are needed.
Given that Europe led the recent rise and fall of financial globalization, any effort to reset the system should focus on measures to restore confidence and put European financial integration back on track.
By contrast, Alberto Alesina and Silvia Ardagna argue that in an economy with a large and inefficient government, debt-stabilization measures directed at reducing the size of government can actually be expansionary.
Throughout history, other measures, including debt rescheduling, inflation, and various forms of wealth taxation (such as financial repression), have typically played a significant role.
We need to ensure transparency and adequate risk management, measures on which are part of my proposal on capital requirements.
The implication is that the decrease in societal wellbeing may be far larger than that indicated by conventional GDP measures – numbers that already are bleak enough, with most countries showing that real (inflation-adjusted) per capita income is lower today than before the crisis – a lost half-decade.
In the case of Greece, some investors and commentators may sympathize with the authorities’ contention that austerity measures have only hampered its recovery.
In 1989, following pressure from Parliament, the government commissioned David Calcutt to chair a committee to “consider what measures (whether legislative or otherwise) are needed to give further protection to individual privacy from the activities of the press and improve recourse against the press for the individual citizen.”
The standard approach to answering this question takes a relatively normal base year and measures how much a country’s currency has depreciated since then.
Indeed, following each of the six rounds of emergency measures implemented between May 2010 and December 2011, matters took a turn for the worse.
If so, a lasting solution will have to include credible measures to raise eurozone growth rates.
The temptation to “appease” suffering populations with populist, selfish measures may grow as the crisis deepens.
Greeks have been forced to accept brutal austerity measures in order to continue to service an unbearable debt burden, thereby limiting losses for French and German banks and for eurozone taxpayers whose loans to Greece bailed out those banks.
This is the paradox of NCDs: objective measures of poor health (severe symptoms, disability, premature death) are declining, even as the prevalence of these diseases is increasing.
These measures would be sufficient to calm markets and bring the acute phase of the crisis to an end.
For example, the data that Doing Business provides can help to generate the political will and public support needed to overcome opposition to competition-boosting measures from entrenched actors that have an interest in maintaining high entry barriers or procedural bottlenecks.
In emerging-market countries that are already struggling with the impact of rapid currency appreciation on their competitiveness, expansionary measures announced in recent weeks by the European Central Bank and the Bank of Japan have heightened the sense of alarm at the Fed’s decision.
The Fed was right to adopt new expansionary monetary measures in the face of a weak US recovery.
Camara’s test – indeed, the test for most African rulers – consists in protecting civilians and their property, in establishing law and order without oppressive measures, and in fighting corruption.
Instead of blaming one another, they should pull together and adopt exceptional measures.
And they use coercive measures that generate resistance.
But even when pressed, Putin’s Russia will not acknowledge that it opposes Greek-Macedonian rapprochement, let alone apologize for taking active measures to interfere in Greek and Macedonian domestic affairs.
Under Hollande, France’s Socialists favor achieving that renewal through a process of social dialogue that convinces rather than imposes, that focuses both on revenue measures and on boosting government efficiency, and that may adopt some of northern Europe’s more successful “flexicurity” policies, which combine greater labor-market flexibility with strong social protection.
Yet European countries continue to struggle to reach consensus on foreign-policy measures – a failure that is undermining their international influence.
Some governments have even taken unilateral measures contrary to EU decisions.
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