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Measures in sentence

4117 examples of Measures in a sentence

The measures adopted by the US and Europe are a start.
So Dutch embassies are bracing themselves for violent demonstrations, and the government is considering special security measures.
In that case, the US could face retaliatory measures worth up to $400 billion per year if it didn’t repeal the tax.
This obvious externality required policy responses in the emerging countries: limits on capital inflows, reserve accumulation, and measures to restrict credit and restrain asset-price inflation.
On the left, a preoccupation with Keynesian stimulus reflects a misunderstanding of both the availability of measures (shovel-ready projects) and their desirability (whether they will meaningfully change the expectations of households and businesses).
Indeed, to counteract the mindset forged in the recent financial crisis, spending measures will need to be longer-lasting if they are to raise expectations of future growth and thus stimulate current investment and hiring.
Obama said at the summit that he will propose tough deficit-reduction measures next year.
The example of Reykjavik should remind us that palliative measures are not enough.
But these discussions often neglect, or at least downplay, one crucial element of any resolution: the German Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht) in Karlsruhe, which is responsible for determining whether measures taken by Europe’s leaders are legal under German law.
The central weakness of democratic systems also contributes to the problem: The quest for votes favors the extension of social benefits and discourages unpopular measures that would put the economy on a more sustainable footing.
Were Iran to refuse the offer or fail to honor its obligations, it would totally isolate itself internationally and provide emphatic legitimization to further measures.
But while some commentatorsseem to presume that slower growth calls for monetary easing, protectionist measures also increase prices, which has the opposite implication for monetary policy.
Only measures like these can create the good jobs that will reduce income inequality and make America again resemble a normal advanced economy, not one where inequality approaches Latin American levels.
At the same time, the UK Parliament has approved stringent new measures to reduce carbon emissions by 2020, with the biggest CO2 cuts by far to come from an increase of more than 800% in offshore wind power over the next seven years.
While a regulatory overhaul of offshore drilling procedures and policies is clearly necessary, it will be insufficient to reduce the risk of spills and accidents if it is not accompanied by other demand-side measures.
In Copenhagen, the pleas of representatives of small island states (some of which will cease to exist if sea levels continue to rise) for a target of 1.5ºC went unheeded, essentially because world leaders thought the measures required to meet such a target were politically unrealistic.
But, in terms of addressing global macroeconomic imbalances, Germany’s critics will be disappointed by such measures.
One study found the use of protectionist policies up 50% in 2015, outnumbering trade-liberalization measures by three to one.
Members of the G20 – the world’s major advanced and emerging economies, representing more than four-fifths of global GDP and three-quarters of trade – were responsible for 81% of the punitive measures.
This finding is supported by a study concluding that “trade tends to reduce three measures of air pollution.”
It provides no tools to ensure implementation of the policies and measures needed to keep global warming “well below” two degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels, the threshold that forms the centerpiece of the deal.
But measures can be taken to protect these communities.
Thanks to these measures, the renminbi remains one of the world’s more appreciated currencies.
Tax instruments and reserve requirements that put sand in the wheels of short-term capital inflows should be combined with strong countercyclical measures, such as additional capital requirements, to slow domestic credit creation.
The effectiveness of such measures can be undermined if global banks operate in emerging countries in branch form, providing domestic credit financed by global funding pools.
Much of the financial industry resists such measures, as do the many economists who remain wedded to the old orthodoxy.
The usual diagnosis for the repeated failure to forge a lasting agreement is a lack of trust on both sides of the conflict, for which the usual prescription is to introduce a series of confidence-building measures.
But confidence-building measures are not the panacea that they are so often portrayed to be.
But there are also conflicts in which years of confidence-building measures have not only failed to produce a solution but have also prevented one from taking shape.
The parties tussling over Georgia’s breakaway regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia spent some 15 years taking part in confidence-building measures, before Russia upended the status quo in 2008 by recognizing both regions’ independence.
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