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Measures in sentence

4117 examples of Measures in a sentence

While Germany is still trying to banish the specter of hyperinflation with strict eurozone austerity measures, the EU crisis countries are facing a real threat of deflation, with potentially disastrous consequences.
To save the euro – which is essential, because the European project’s fate depends on the success of monetary union – Europe needs action now: in addition to indispensable austerity measures and structural reforms, there is no way to succeed without a viable economic program that will assure growth.
Reflecting Xi’s belief that “sooner is better than later, and faster is better than slower,” at least seven of the 11 measures the central bank announced in April have already been completed.
Measures to improve the welfare of laying hens, which are typically kept crammed into bare wire cages with no room to stretch their wings, are also being phased in.
In the US, no such national measures are anywhere in sight.
Moreover, if British Prime Minister Theresa May follows through on her stated goal of reducing annual net immigration to less than 100,000, the UK would have to implement drastic – potentially costly – measures to close off the UK labor market.
The harsh economic and security measures that Venezuela needs to emerge from its current debacle cannot be implemented without some form of consensus, which requires an end to repression and polarization.
Extremism based on a perversion of Islam shows no sign of abating; indeed, it will not abate until it is taken on religiously, as well as by security measures.
But Brazil must go beyond "time out" measures on its debt by making a major effort toward a balanced budget.
The global crisis has made anti-corruption measures more urgent than ever.
With more measures set to be implemented and enforcement steadily improving, the challenge now is execution.
One of the authors of this article proposed a convention modeled after the Paris climate agreement: a binding overarching goal combined with voluntary national action plans and flexible measures to achieve them.
Instead, global leaders should work to maximize the liquidity that unconventional policy measures have generated, and to use it to support investment in long-term productive assets.
Cost-cutting measures, such as compressing traditional four-year degree programs into three years – thereby reducing or eliminating elective courses in “impractical” subjects like literature, philosophy, and fine arts – are also being discussed.
Measures to counter “excessive” capital inflows – of the type introduced in Brazil and Malaysia – might be needed.
Similarly, for many years market participants have been richly rewarded for falling in love – quickly and decisively – with the new policy measures adopted by America’s Federal Reserve.
Since the 2008 global financial crisis, the romance has become particularly intense, especially as the Fed has been compelled to use a range of unconventional measures to overcome the capital-market disruptions that almost tipped the world economy into a deep depression.
Others, including some senior Republicans, cite the recently released US intelligence report on Russia’s suspected interference in the election and demand stern measures against Putin’s government, even though a new Cold War is clearly in no one’s interest.
The full extent of the French system’s pathology becomes fully clear in the light of successive governments’ attempts at reform, with piecemeal measures the norm – and thus proving counter-productive on balance, or failing altogether.
On the contrary, they risk reproducing the havoc that such measures have unleashed in Iraq and elsewhere in recent years.
But realizing these aims requires cooperation from the government in Khartoum, whereas each of the proposed measures would only heighten tensions or prove useless.
Its interventionist measures won’t work.
What grabbed headlines was that the IMF now believes that countries could even use capital controls, renamed “capital flow management measures,” if implemented alongside monetary and fiscal measures, accumulation of foreign-exchange reserves, and macroprudential financial regulations.
Unlike in the past, however, emerging and developing countries avoided the worst, precisely because they had learned to accumulate foreign reserves and regulate cross-border capital flows, and to ease such measures to prevent or mitigate sudden stops.
Indeed, the IMF’s own research shows that countries that deployed capital controls first – or alongside a host of other macroprudential measures – were among the most resilient during the global financial crisis.
To avoid turning Greece, Portugal, and Spain into collective “correctional houses,” Hollande reasoned, people need hope beyond the ever-receding horizon of spending cuts and austerity measures.
But in Italy, the ruling coalition has embarked on a fiscal stimulus while proposing measures that will reduce labor-force participation.
Given this, it is imperative that European governments adopt cost-cutting measures that do not jeopardize their naval assets.
The crude output measures that are used, such as the number of medical procedures carried out or the number of fires extinguished, miss a crucial point: while responding to the need for such services is a good thing, reducing the need for them would be better.
Indeed, such measures are crucial in the long term, because if BPO makes developing countries better off, their demand for goods and services will grow.
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