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Markets in sentence

9395 examples of Markets in a sentence

The elimination of markets is the most complete and all encompassing form of dictatorship, but one doomed to break down.
So the effort to eliminate markets failed, but that doesn't mean that enemies of the market system have disappeared.
One of the most important arguments against a market economy is that markets are blind to justice and social demands.
He will not calculate the possible consequences of his or her purchase on the labor market, on the social system, and he shouldn't because markets would not function as an instrument to manage the complexity of a highly sophisticated economy if criteria such as these would enter market decisionmaking.
The two reasons for harnessing markets in this way are: 1. protect the freedom in the market from intervention by private power, and 2. to create a condition of social protection in the widest sense of the word.
And what is not at all ambiguous is the public’s rejection of austerity – or, for that matter, financial markets’ increasing concern that long-term growth could suffer.
This belief ignores the critical role in calming markets played by European Central Bank President Mario Draghi’s pledge to save the eurozone, just as it overlooks austerity’s high cost in terms of lost economic potential and social stability.
Furthermore, the rally in periphery markets has acted as a fig leaf, obscuring policymakers’ failure to examine the eurozone’s structure and membership.
In addition, international financial markets perceive Colombia’s economy as being fundamentally sound.
The current risk premium for government borrowing in international markets is very similar to that paid by Peru and Brazil, and much less than that demanded of Argentina, Venezuela, and Ecuador.
It has taken some useful steps that may help to stabilize markets, such as the Joint Oil Data Initiative, but it plays a relatively minor role.
Notwithstanding financial markets’ celebration of QE, not to mention the US Federal Reserve’s hearty self-congratulation, an analysis based on the three Ts should give the ECB pause.
First, the balance-sheet expansion of some $3.6 trillion since late 2008 – which far exceeded the $2.5 trillion in nominal GDP growth over the QE period – boosted asset markets.
Moreover, it is now relying on ambiguous adjectives to provide guidance to financial markets, having recently shifted from stating that it would maintain low rates for a “considerable” time to pledging to be “patient" in determining when to raise rates.
Investments should ensure an equitable division of benefits between producers and consumers, and include smallholder participation and linkages to markets for inputs and outputs.
With lower spending and higher savings in the advanced economies, key emerging markets must take up the slack and start providing the demand needed to power the global recovery.
At the core of the Greek crisis are structural problems: a dysfunctional public administration, oligopolistic product markets, ludicrous regulatory burdens, bureaucratic red tape, and an absurdly slow judicial system.
The fact is that, given the liquidity crunch, oligopolistic product markets, and a small export sector, any further austerity will simply drive Greece deeper into recession.
Similarly, Argentina's export industries were unlikely to attract investors, regardless of the fiscal deficit, given the overvalued exchange rate, low export prices, and the many foreign markets that remain closed to Argentine goods.
Since the early 1980s, politics has been dominated by the dogma that markets are always right and government economic intervention is almost always wrong.
But market fundamentalism also inspired dangerous intellectual fallacies: that financial markets are always rational and efficient; that central banks must simply target inflation and not concern themselves with financial stability and unemployment; that the only legitimate role of fiscal policy is to balance budgets, not stabilize economic growth.
Instead, policies that intensify competition, whether in trade, labor markets, or domestic production, may be socially destructive and politically explosive.
But the concrete policies needed to realize this aim are not, since reforming the welfare state and labor markets means more competition, which scares many citizens.
The government’s alarm at the sharper-than-expected economic slowdown was reflected in its heavy-handed intervention in July to freeze stock markets in the midst of a dramatic price correction.
The government will need to find the right balance between government interests and individual rights, between economic growth and environmental stewardship, and between the role of markets and that of the state.
Seventy-three years ago, John Maynard Keynes thought about the reform and regulation of financial markets from the perspective of the first three purposes and found himself “moved toward... mak[ing] the purchase of an investment permanent and indissoluble, like marriage...”But he immediately drew back: the fact “that each individual investor flatters himself that his commitment is ‘liquid’ (though this cannot be true for all investors collectively) calms his nerves and makes him much more willing to run a risk...”
Advocates of trade liberalization touted its advantages; but they were never fully honest about its risks, against which markets typically fail to provide adequate insurance.
In anticipation of an LDP-led government (with the New Komeito Party as a junior coalition partner), financial markets began to move toward a weaker yen.
In September 1992, on Black Wednesday, the pound sterling and the Italian lira fell out of the ERM as money markets bet against the survival of what the Conservative peer Norman Tebbit once ridiculed as the “eternal recession mechanism.”
Smart machines and global connections have also boosted income inequality in two other ways: by increasing the size and scope of global markets for top-rated talent in a variety of fields (the so-called winner-take-all effect), and by generating huge excess returns or monopoly rents from the creation and ownership of intellectual property and intangible capital.
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