Markets
in sentence
9395 examples of Markets in a sentence
Privatization, opening up closed
markets
and professions, promoting entrepreneurship, and eliminating public-sector waste should proceed at a fast pace over the next few months.
If Greece succeeds in fulfilling the requirements of a revised financing agreement with the eurozone, it may win the confidence bet by convincing financial
markets
that it is determined to achieve the targets.
Mattarella’s detractors argue that he overstepped his authority and has allowed financial
markets
to veto the selection of a minister by a popularly elected government.
When Mattarella cited the reaction of financial
markets
in justifying his veto of Savona, he reinforced those suspicions.
Cyber exchanges between the two militaries were not restarted, and negotiations over a bilateral investment treaty – a mutually beneficial rules-based framework that would go a long way in opening up both countries’
markets
to increasingly globalized US and Chinese companies – were particularly disappointing.
Europe’s leaders are now contemplating what to do, and their next move will have fateful consequences, either calming the
markets
or driving them to new extremes.
These measures would be sufficient to calm
markets
and bring the acute phase of the crisis to an end.
As they build up their export potential and seek expanding markets, east Europeans become disillusioned with Europe's economic sclerosis.
At the same time, emerging
markets
would gain the full benefits of expansionary monetary policy in the US, to the extent that it boosts demand for their exports.
By 1998, Russia already had achieved a critical mass of
markets
and private enterprise, while the financial crash of that year worked like a catharsis, forcing the government to abolish enterprise subsidies that underpinned a devastating budget deficit of some 9% of GDP.
On the surface, at least, the mini-revaluation hardly seems to have compromised China’s ability to bend exchange
markets
to its will.
Should
markets
start questioning their sustainability, the situation would quickly spiral out of control.
For American drug companies, this agreement extends the time period during which brand-name pharmaceuticals have exclusive access to markets, postponing the entry of generic drugs and thus limiting competition.
Rejecting it opens the possibility for freer
markets
and faster income growth in Central America, as well as healthier democracies.
Moreover, there is no perceived “re-denomination” risk affecting French assets, given markets’ confidence that France will retain the euro.
Meanwhile, once recovery has set in, the huge borrowing demands of the US and Europe will almost certainly drive up real interest rates globally, posing new problems for the world's emerging
markets.
As a result,
markets
were deregulated, making it easier to trade assets that were perceived to be safe, but were in fact not.
Instead, the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act closed off American
markets
and provoked other countries into a spiral of retaliatory trade measures.
After World War II, as a leading figure in developing the Marshall Plan, Kindleberger set about applying these lessons: the US should keep its
markets
and its flow of funds open to support other countries.
Apart from a six-month period after the September 2008 collapse of Lehman Brothers, in which trade finance stopped and the world did look as if it was close to Great Depression circumstances, China and other emerging
markets
helped those export-oriented industrial economies to recover.
But, frankly, it will be easier to do this if the American public and the US Congress see that China is serious about reform and expanding access to its
markets.
We supported a greater voting share for China, and other rapidly growing emerging markets, in the IMF and the World Bank.
The freedom of money, financial markets, and people to move – and thus to escape regulation and taxation – might be an acceptable, even constructive, brake on excessive official intervention, but not if a deregulatory race to the bottom prevents adoption of needed ethical and prudential standards.
Arguably, the ideal of a well-defined and effective international monetary regime has become more difficult to realize as
markets
and capital flows have become vastly larger and more capricious.
This line of reasoning assumes that
markets
are perfectly efficient.
This suggests a more fundamental reason for the economic crisis: the dominance of the Chicago school of economics, with its belief in the self-regulating properties of unfettered
markets.
This belief justified, or rationalized, the de-regulation of financial
markets
in the name of the so called “efficient-market hypothesis.”
Outsourcing via these supply chains dramatically expands the elasticity of the global supply curve, fundamentally altering the concept of slack in labor and product markets, as well as the pressure such slack might put on inflation.
The danger all along has been that open-ended unconventional monetary easing would fail to achieve traction in the real economy, and would inject excess liquidity into US and global financial
markets
that could lead to asset bubbles, reckless risk taking, and the next crisis.
Despite its flaws, the banking union helped to keep financial
markets
calm in the first half of 2015, even as Greece’s new government, led by Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras, challenged a basic feature of Europe’s approach to national financial crises: that recipients of support must engage in belt-tightening.
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