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Markets in sentence

9395 examples of Markets in a sentence

Thirty-five years ago, in their classic paper, “On the Impossibility of Informationally Efficient Markets,” Sanford Grossman and Joseph Stiglitz presented this problem as a paradox: Perfectly efficient markets require the effort of smart money to make them so; but if markets were perfect, smart money would give up trying.
But the real problem with this vision of financial singularity is not the Grossman-Stiglitz conundrum; it is that real-world markets are nowhere close to it.
Markets seem to be driven by stories, as I emphasize in my book Irrational Exuberance.
These people influence markets, because all other investors must reckon with them; and their craziness is not going away anytime soon.
The largest and best-equipped farms are highly competitive, in the sense that they can produce for markets at a lower cost.
If smallholders compete in the same markets as the large farms, they lose.
Starting with Cavallo, Argentina’s boosters argue that these problems are transitory, and blame the country’s difficulties on turmoil in world financial markets and the US dollar’s excessive strength in relation to the Euro, which reduces Argentina’s export competitiveness.
CAMBRIDGE – Ever since Donald Trump won the US presidential election, the press and financial markets have focused on his proposal to cut taxes and to spend $1 trillion on infrastructure over the next decade.
Given these repeated breaches of the SGP’s deficit requirements, together with a similar lack of commitment to the pact’s debt limit (60% of GDP), it is hardly surprising that punishment for some states has come from the markets.
For a while, booming or overheating real-estate markets and a thriving, but oversized banking sector can disguise a gradual loss of competitiveness and risks to fiscal sustainability, as occurred in the euro area.
Of course, if the rules being broken are fiscal, the markets might impose the necessary discipline, as happened in 2011-2012.
The deadly trade in conflict resources is facilitated by supply chains that feed major consumer markets, such as the European Union and the United States, with cash flowing back the other way.
Unfortunately, across most economies, skills and capabilities do not seem to be keeping pace with rapid structural shifts in labor markets.
Second, most job markets have a large information gap that will need to be closed.
In the United States, where markets, the judiciary, and regulation are highly developed, the imperative is not institutional reform, but policy reform – addressing the weak fiscal position, income and wealth inequities, unemployment, health care, and deteriorating physical infrastructure.
In fact, foreign investment in emerging markets already started to subside after 1995, then plummeted with the Asian crisis of 1997, and has remained low ever since - even as the IMF orchestrated many of the bailouts that allegedly distorted investor behavior in the first place!
Moreover, foreign investment in emerging markets shifted after 1994 to factories, real estate, service industries, and so forth.
Ever since the beginning of the 1990s, when private credit to emerging markets soared to roughly ten times its annual average in 1970-89, the main source of financial contagion has not been moral hazard, but what might best be called globalization hazard.
The hazard struck after 1996, when foreign private investors fled emerging markets even faster than they had flooded them.
The most likely scenario is that investors attributed the steep initial rise in credit flows after 1989 to sound policies in emerging markets.
As borrowing costs rose in all emerging markets - regardless of their fundamental economic health - so did the probability of recurrent crises, forming a vicious circle.
If this were the whole story, then what lay at the root of financial contagion in emerging markets would be of secondary importance.
That the failure of international capital markets led to sudden and devastating capital outflows after 1996 is only one such episode.
Unfortunately, many emerging markets have weak governments that cannot define credible policies for financing intervention in such circumstances.
Emerging markets are inherently fragile markets.
Some see incipient inflation (given the low unemployment rate); some believe the long period of ultra-low interest rates has distorted capital markets; and some want to “replenish their ammunition,” so that the Fed can lower interest rates should the economy slow down again.
Indeed, Libya has also just strengthened its relations with the EU: Seif al-Islam Gaddafi, the son of Libya’s long-serving ruler, Muammar al-Gaddafi, recently declared that soon the two sides should be able to sign an Association agreement, giving Libyan goods access to European markets.
Petri and Plummer assume that labor markets are sufficiently flexible that job losses in adversely affected parts of the economy are necessarily offset by job gains elsewhere.
Capaldo and his collaborators offer a starkly different outlook: a competitive race to the bottom in labor markets, with a decline in wages and government spending keeping a lid on aggregate demand and employment.
When markets panic, as they did in 1929 and again in 2008, supporting the financial system is essential.
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