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Markets in sentence

9395 examples of Markets in a sentence

But modern production requires many inputs that markets do not provide.
And, as in the case of airlines, these inputs – rules, standards, certifications, infrastructure, schools and training centers, scientific labs, security services, among others – are deeply complementary to the ones that can be procured in markets.
They interact in the most intricate ways with the activities that markets organize.
If, say, the BOJ moved to intervene outright in the exchange-rate markets to depreciate the yen, the odds that the People’s Bank of China and the Bank of Korea would opt for weaker currencies would increase.
But the global economy is slowing down, and financial markets went into a tailspin during the summer.
In normal times, capital markets perform this function smoothly; but these markets break down from time to time, owing to sudden large changes in perceptions about the riskiness of important asset classes.
Indeed, stock markets are tanking precisely because investors fear that ever-increasing risk premia in the eurozone’s peripheral countries will force them to stop consuming and investing, leading to lower German rates and thus inducing German households to reduce their consumption as well.
But Eurobonds would also create huge incentive problems, because debtors in the eurozone periphery would no longer have to fear any punishment by markets and might thus be induced to consume and invest too much.
In other words, the eurozone needs a European Monetary Fund that prevents this vicious circle from tightening by providing bridging finance when capital markets break down.
A third driver of recovery is the fact that banks and financial markets are now better insulated from the turmoil in Greece.
The ECB has also promised to support other countries’ bond markets in the event of a Greek accident.
A developed Africa can open up new export markets for the West’s saturated and stagnant economies, and help to revive global growth.
So far, confidence-building measures have been limited to financial markets, through public guarantees, liquidity support, and capital injections.
So far, the IMF has reacted with newfound vigor, establishing a much-needed short-term lending facility, which may well need to be expanded if emerging markets come under greater pressure.
They need to come to grips with the reality that national regulations and international markets are inextricably linked with – and in need of – each other.
And, third, exporters who wish to preserve their share in world markets – where prices are largely denominated in dollars – choose to keep their dollar prices stable, to avoid falling victim to idiosyncratic exchange-rate movements.
First, even if the trials proved favorable, Trovan was never intended for sale in Africa, but rather for the US and European markets.
Up to now, the global financial crisis was historically remarkable in having no major impact on foreign-exchange markets.
An effort to diversify by selling a particular asset would have such a large impact on markets that it would produce large losses for any central bank that tried it.
But America’s large fiscal deficit, along with continuing uncertainty about its financial markets, mean that the dollar is also potentially vulnerable.
More over, Japan in particular was not especially wealthy in an international comparison, and neither country had deep or well-developed capital markets.
To my mind, the biggest failure of post-2008 economic policy has consisted in governments’ inability to find creative ways to write down unsustainable debts, for example in US mortgage markets, and in Europe’s periphery.
The Fed’s announcement in May that it might start tapering its long-term asset purchases surprised many central bankers, and triggered a sell-off from markets worldwide.
But some of the good news about America’s economy was bad news for financial markets, because investors considered the Fed’s potential policy tightening in response to such news to be more relevant than the news itself.
Then, last month, when the Fed postponed its withdrawal from so-called quantitative easing, markets quickly turned euphoric.
Monetary authorities have, in recent years, made the way they communicate – about their thinking and possible actions – their primary tool to guide markets and anchor expectations.
Because the voice of central banks has become so dominant in financial markets, price movements have come to reflect responses to their statements and actions, rather than to changing economic and financial realities.
For example, when policymakers promise to act if certain risks arise, markets inevitably discount the impact of such risks.
In May, Bernanke issued an unusually stern warning about excessive risk-taking in financial markets.
A second consequence of the dominant role of central banks’ communications in financial markets is that it crowds out private sources of information, thereby depriving the monetary authorities themselves of an invaluable, independent view of trends that they need for sound policymaking.
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