Loans
in sentence
1648 examples of Loans in a sentence
No one wants the ill-advised
loans
extended to Eastern European countries to fuel another bank crisis.
Those
loans
would add to deposits and cause the money supply to grow.
Non-performing
loans
in the banking sector and unemployment continue to rise in many countries.
The immediate problem is Italy’s zombie banks, which are inadequately capitalized, insufficiently profitable, and saddled with bad
loans.
Macroeconomic stability refers to the absence of inflation, budget balance, a realistic value for the exchange rate, the ability of businesses and government to obtain market loans, and high confidence that government financial obligations will be honored.
Soon a squeeze of a different type will be put on the West, as the Kremlin bids for new international
loans.
With the IMF and Russia engaged in talks over such loans, and as the summit of the Group of Eight (G8) big industrial countries approaches, the time is ripe to assess a decade of economic cooperation between Russia and the West.
It should not be given new
loans
and debt reductions if it fails to implement sensible programs.
Periods of rapid growth in lending are often associated with construction booms, partly because real-estate assets are relatively easy to post as collateral for
loans.
The money came largely from selling mortgage-backed securities and collateralized debt obligations, claims against claims against American homeowners (or to be precise, only against the homes themselves, as the owners were protected by the non-recourse nature of loans).
Others did so because the banks, shocked by the collapse of the securitization business, stopped giving them home-equity
loans
for consumption purposes.
A better approach would be to regulate individual banks, branches, and even loans, while limiting the Fed’s interventions to those that serve its original purpose of ensuring an adequate monetary base and acting as lender of last resort during panics, like the 2008 financial crisis.
The net interest margin – the spread between what banks pay for deposits and what they charge for
loans
– has thus narrowed by 0.15 percentage points, to 2.85%.
Policymakers and financial regulators lately have been seeking to reduce funding costs for businesses, which have been piling on risky debt in recent years, as insufficient access to official
loans
has pushed them to the shadow banking system.
The US financial sector went mad for high-risk
loans
to emerging markets during 1970s – arguing that this was the new frontier.
Roughly $54 million in IDB
loans
for water infrastructure in Haiti, home to literally the world’s worst water, offered a proven path to preventing deadly water-borne diseases.
Designed to assist in fulfilling the right to water in the most impoverished nation in the Western Hemisphere, these
loans
and the lives they could have saved instead have become pawns in a deliberate political power play.
Soon after, at the behest of the US, instead of disbursing the
loans
as planned, the IDB and its members took the unprecedented step of implicitly adding conditions to require political action by Haiti before the funds would be released.
Internal emails reveal that a US legal counselor inside the IDB proposed to the US Treasury Department that, though the
loans
faced no legitimate technical obstacles, the US could effectively block them by “slowing” the process.
Indeed, by requesting further review of the loans, Haiti would have to make scheduled payments before the funds were even disbursed.
In 2001, then-US Ambassador to Haiti Dean Curran publicly and explicitly linked the withholding of IDB
loans
to the demand that Haiti’s political parties reach a compromise that America wanted.
Deprived of funds that had already been committed and expected, Haiti fell into arrears on money owed for loan repayment, triggering IDB policies that prevented the Bank from releasing
loans.
The people of Haiti, as well as US taxpayers, deserve a system that makes public the status of IDB
loans
and projects in Haiti in order to ensure that the US and IDB member states uphold their commitments to development and human rights.
This can be done in several ways: by means tests that impose duties on many parents; by
loans
to be repaid under favourable conditions; by a special tax on graduates; or by mixtures of such approaches involving a generous system of bursaries as well as charges on well-to-do parents.
Bank
loans
have started to increase, but small borrowers, new borrowers, and start-up companies are regularly refused.
As the currency depreciated, the corporate sector’s foreign
loans
became more onerous – further exacerbating the panic.
To help industries in the region upgrade environmentally, firms can now obtain special
loans
for which the Asian Development Bank assumes the risk – a program made possible by Hong Kong’s sound banking practices.
By late 2007, for example, the Fed and the US Treasury had most likely already seen at least one report arguing that only massive intervention to support subprime
loans
could forestall a catastrophe.
Chile was hit hard by the 2008-2009 financial crisis: foreign
loans
vanished and the price of copper, Chile’s main export, collapsed.
Wealthy locals, for example, could be given incentives to invest in start-ups, while the government could provide low-interest
loans
and defer repayment until a particular profit threshold is reached.
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