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Liberalization in sentence

832 examples of Liberalization in a sentence

On trade, Trump’s ideas are dangerous and would reverse decades of beneficial bipartisan American leadership in trade liberalization, with large tariffs on foreign imports, such as from China and Mexico.
Despite the Iranian opposition’s continuing efforts to contest the outcome and advance political liberalization, Ahmadinejad and his allies have largely succeeded in consolidating their hold on power by using brute force to repress the reform movement.
Nor did economic liberalization and structural reforms of the type typically recommended by the World Bank and other donors play much of a role.
Economic liberalization, deregulation of capital movements, suppression of subsidies, privatization of valuable public assets (liquidation would be a more appropriate word), fiscal austerity, high interest rates, and repressed demand became the order of the day.
The end of inflation and “the great moderation” of the past three decades were fundamental to the liberalization of large parts of the world and to increased confidence, trade, and prosperity.
China 2030 calls for structural reforms that would redefine the role of government, overhaul state-owned enterprises and banks, develop the private sector, promote competition, and deepen liberalization of the land, labor, and financial markets.
As home to leading drug producers – and many of those most affected by these taxes – India and China should lead an international liberalization effort.
But a pragmatic version of “America first,” focused on achieving re-election in 2020, is more likely to mean some largely symbolic measures (such as antidumping tariffs on some Chinese steel imports) and abandonment of further trade liberalization initiatives such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership.
While trade liberalization from 1950 to 2000 helped drive global growth, the marginal benefits of further liberalization are small.
If Trump’s election stimulates a more thoughtful approach to trade liberalization, it may deliver some benefit in this area, too.
And its impending liberalization of its financial-services sector will amount to its biggest step toward openness since its accession to the WTO.
While the Fund remains wedded to eventual financial liberalization, it now acknowledges that free movement of capital rests on a much weaker intellectual foundation than does the case for free trade.
In particular, the IMF now recognizes that capital-account liberalization requires countries to reach a certain threshold with respect to financial and governance institutions, and that many emerging-market and developing countries have not.
And yet, despite abundant academic evidence and country experience to the contrary, the IMF remains stubbornly wedded to the idea of eventual capital-account liberalization.
A more salient threat would arise if the government pursued too much capital-account liberalization too fast.
The second difference is that labor-market reform and market liberalization in Italy remain on the to-do list for Prime Minister Matteo Renzi’s new government.
The policies of deregulation, privatization, and trade liberalization (the so-called Washington Consensus) that countries adopted in the 1980's, supposedly marked the victory of professional economists over populist politicians.
Any graduate student in economics knows that deregulation, privatization, and trade liberalization cannot be expected to produce economic benefits without a long list of unlikely conditions being satisfied.
Any economist from Washington (or Harvard) would have pushed a recipe of privatization and across-the-board liberalization if asked in 1978 to advise the Chinese government.
Similarly, the principle that private incentives should be aligned with social costs and benefits hardly results in unconditional support for policies of trade liberalization, deregulation, and privatization.
Obama is the first US president in a long time who has not played a leading role on global trade liberalization.
When trade is considered an economic issue, it is usually possible to assemble such a coalition, because the benefits of trade liberalization outweigh the costs.
When an economy is so dependent on trade, it becomes much easier to make the case for liberalization, which is why Europe has long been more enthusiastic than the US about a transatlantic free-trade agreement.
A variant of this dynamic can be seen in Russia and many parts of Eastern Europe and Central Asia, where the fall of the Berlin Wall did not usher in democracy, economic liberalization, and rapid output growth.
First, China’s powerful bureaucracy is disinclined to cede its powers in the name of liberalization and a shift toward a more market-oriented economy.
Recognizing that progress toward capital-account liberalization would imply its eventual demise, SAFE has made numerous excuses (to which the recent financial crises in the West have lent credence) for retaining tight control over foreign-exchange transactions.
On the other hand, he has launched an equally ferocious campaign against political liberalization, arresting and jailing leading human-rights activists and cracking down on China’s once-vibrant social media.
Modern, highly productive, and globally competitive Mexico has flourished under NAFTA and other rounds of market liberalization.
With services comprising an increasing share of production in developed countries, attention has shifted to liberalization of trade in services.
At the very moment when the IMF has finally recognized that such liberalization may produce instability but not growth, the WTO is now pursuing it.
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