Liberalization
in sentence
832 examples of Liberalization in a sentence
The real trick is economic
liberalization
and market-based regulation.
Progress on further structural reforms – such as currency and capital-account
liberalization
and weaning state-controlled industries off state capital – has been slow, and new initiatives have been piecemeal rather than comprehensive.
Optimists hope that this might hasten economic liberalization, and perhaps even lead to moderate political reform, especially greater accountability for far-flung local officials.
Labor-market
liberalization
would allow firms in the domestic sector to fire workers more rapidly, but would do little to encourage export-oriented firms to invest more and create more jobs, especially when the domestic banking system is under stress and cannot provide new credit.
But the case for China’s move to a more flexible exchange-rate regime, as part of broader financial-market liberalization, remains strong.
But lack of trade activism has also meant that we are not moving forward with trade
liberalization.
Indeed, conventional wisdom holds that, during a depression, citizens become risk-averse and will not support
liberalization.
Only with foreign investment and economic
liberalization
– a process that has already begun in some measure – can Cuba hope to offer its 11.2 million people more consumer goods and comfort, improve the social welfare system, and rehabilitate the country’s infrastructure.
But greater political
liberalization
is unlikely in the short or medium term.
Indeed, while China’s infamous five-year planning cycle may prove unwieldy and ineffective in other countries, it undoubtedly signals the state’s return to the market – and poses a serious challenge to trade
liberalization.
Dani Rodrik’s 2011 book The Globalization Paradox criticizes globalization enthusiasts for wanting full
liberalization
of foreign trade and capital movements; he argues that when democratically established social arrangements clash with the demands of globalization, national priorities should take precedence.
A year after the Orange Revolution demonstrated ordinary Ukrainians’ fidelity to liberty, Yanukovych still evinces no faith in democracy, and the “single economic space” with Russia that he backs will strengthen the abusive oligarchic system and rule out
liberalization.
Indeed,
liberalization
of agriculture would provide a viable substitute for migration in many cases.
What is needed, therefore, is a pledge by governments to make global trade
liberalization
a much higher political priority.
Governments can take these steps if they introduce and expand programs designed to assist those who would lose their jobs as a result of trade
liberalization.
Partial economic liberalization, undertaken by the Rajiv Gandhi government in the mid-1980s, and the more substantial Narasimha Rao-Manmohan Singh economic reforms in 1991, boosted national income growth to an average annual rate of 6.8%.
Publicly, each claims legitimacy by offering to the wider society dynamic programs of modernization,
liberalization
and competent economic management; privately they promise their friends that they will promote sectoral interests and preserve social privileges.
As such, the timing could not be worse to float the idea of speeding up capital-account
liberalization.
We will also accelerate the pace of negotiations for the further
liberalization
of a Korea-ASEAN Free Trade Agreement (FTA), in order to pave the way for freer and more inclusive growth in the region.
But, with the
liberalization
of the Indian economy in 1991, the country embarked upon a period of dizzying growth, averaging nearly 8% per year since then.
As the scope of trade
liberalization
shrinks, so do the benefits – more than proportionally.
When China’s market transition started in 1979, Deng Xiaoping adopted a pragmatic, dual-track approach, rather than the “Washington Consensus” formula of rapid privatization and trade
liberalization.
A new wave of deficits and exchange-rate instability would thus call into question the most fundamental and beneficial legacy of the 1990s: the major push for trade opening and
liberalization.
But France also needs more complex structural reforms, the most urgent one being
liberalization
and simplification of the country’s complex labor code, which makes it too difficult to hire and lay off workers.
France has much to gain from further
liberalization
in its domestic services market.
Improved access to venture capital, which
liberalization
of financial services would facilitate, could help.
As the Asian financial crisis of 1997-1998 demonstrated, capital-account
liberalization
could lead to financial meltdowns – a danger that opponents of internationalizing the renminbi often cite.
In other words, while the US lectures developing countries on the need to face the pain of rapid adjustment to liberalization, it refuses to do the same.
(Indeed, it has already had more than 11 years to adjust to
liberalization
of textiles.)
Both those committed to trade
liberalization
within a multilateral system and those committed to helping developing countries will look at America’s new strategy with abhorrence.
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