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Integration in sentence

2478 examples of Integration in a sentence

This is why, having regained their democratic regimes, Central and Eastern European countries unequivocally voted to join the continent's integration process.
Of course, democracy does not automatically mean integration.
But without democracy, no genuine, fair, and universally beneficial integration would be possible.
The end of history may not be at hand in Europe, but the end of Europe's dark history is clearly in sight - so long as Europeans continue on the path of integration.
Better integration of ethnic minorities, with full respect for their human and civil rights, is essential to reducing the risk of a resurgence of ethnic violence – and to giving Burma’s transition a chance to succeed.
The alternatives are therefore either forging ahead with realeconomic union and further EU integration, or regressing to a mere free-trade area and the renationalization of Europe.
Genuine eurozone stability presupposes macroeconomic alignment, which in turn requires the political integration of a well-functioning economic union.
In the recent European Parliament election, a quarter of voters in the United Kingdom and France backed parties that are hostile to further integration and committed to restoring a Europe of independent member states.
On the surface it seems that Europe's steady integration proceeded in parallel with the development of the welfare state.
This fear contributed to the reluctance of countries like Denmark and Sweden to embrace greater European integration.
Instead, EU enlargement is being carried out according to what might be described as the principle of "asymmetrical integration."
But for reform to succeed, a little old-fashioned solidarity extended Eastwards now is the best way to ensure the commitment of the EU's newest members to European integration.
But that would require greater fiscal integration, so it would have to be phased in gradually.
Indeed, at present, despite unprecedented economic integration and new opportunities for cooperation, our social interactions remain atomized.
The military question – believed to have been resolved after the region’s transition to democracy which came with the Cold War’s end, the effort to achieve regional integration, and the push toward globalization – has reappeared.
In the more than 40 years since, the UK has played a major role in shaping the course of European integration, while transforming itself from a “sick man of Europe” into one of the world’s most competitive economies.
Few today remember that it was UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, despite her vocal euroskepticism, who restarted Europe’s integration process after a decade in which it had stagnated.
In the 1970s and 1980s, the magnetic promise of integration helped stabilize democracy in Greece, Spain, and Portugal.
If it is to succeed in making the world a better place, globalization can not be predicated upon market forces alone, but needs to reinforce the stability and integration of diverse societies.
If the end of the Cold War in 1991 launched the golden age of global economic integration, the beginning of the next cold war between the world’s two largest economies will undoubtedly produce division and fragmentation.
He argues that democracy, national sovereignty, and global economic integration are mutually incompatible; at least one must be sacrificed.
The task of the left is to direct attention to the truly problematic aspects of global economic integration – financialization, the prioritization of capital over labor, of creditor over debtor, of patron over ouvrier – without lapsing into reactionary politics.
Instead, what is happening is that the integration of 2.5 billion people (China and India alone) into the global economy is producing a demand shift that is likely to put far more upward pressure on commodity prices than any technology gains are likely to offset.
Similarly, on all aspects of European defense integration within the European Union, France had long been the most ardent advocate of the sanctity of national sovereignty; her recent rapprochement to NATO was possible only because the Western Alliance, with the collapse of its old rival, has become a more traditional military pact anyway, less shaped by American leadership and more open to intergovernmental bargaining.
European integration across the board, not only in the defense field, would suffer a major setback as Paris licks its wounds.
If the price for France's continued willingness to act as a major promoter of European integration is a handful of nuclear tests, it is a price worth paying.
Yet if they succeeded in stopping France from further testing, their victory would be a failure certainly in terms of preventing nuclear proliferation and possibly in terms of enhancing European integration.
Historically, free trade and economic growth have gone together, as have protectionism and stagnation, and deeper trade integration of the US and EU economies would strengthen growth on both sides of the Atlantic.
If more EU countries resort to such initiatives, European integration could be thrown into reverse.
It is no longer seen only as a story of the capital-market-driven integration of the last two decades of the twentieth century, or even of an “early wave of globalization” in the nineteenth century, when the gold standard and the Atlantic telegram seemed to unite the world.
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