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Influence in sentence

3816 examples of Influence in a sentence

After all, the three largest EU states – Germany, Britain, and France – can be expected to seek agreements among themselves about the Union’s future shape, so the Benelux countries’ common goal should be to influence their actions and ensure that their thinking is acceptable to the whole community.
Therefore, the Chinese are doing everything possible to strengthen their economic and political position in Russia, and to draw Russia into their sphere of influence.
Likewise, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which just concluded its annual meeting, is in China’s eyes a tool of regional policy that helps strengthen China’s influence and control over Central Asia’s natural resources at the expense of Russia.
The decline of US influence, and the strengthening of China’s strategic clout, continues unabated.
A vast majority of Pakistan’s citizens deeply resent America’s presence and influence in their country.
How much influence these “fronts” actually had on events is hard to know.
The number of seats won by the socialists and centre-right parties is likely to influence the make-up of the next European Commission – and thus the EU’s political agenda until 2014.
The specialist MEPs, on the other hand, use their expertise and their steadily increasing powers to exert a good deal of influence on EU legislation.
To this end, it makes use of Israel and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but also of Lebanon, Syria, its influence in the Gulf region, and, above all, Iraq.
The influence may be regretted, but at least it is registered.
But pessimists have been growing in number and influence.
And too many regional governance mechanisms, with the important exception of the European Central Bank, lack sufficient influence, credibility, and, therefore, effectiveness.
But its weakness is its inability to influence how the message is perceived in different cultural settings.
For countries closer to Russia’s sphere of influence, like Poland and Ukraine, this dependence becomes palpable.
To speak of Sarkozy as a substitute for Tony Blair in Europe would be premature – and unhelpful, given Blair’s inability to exert significant influence on US policy.
It is sheer fantasy to believe that the threat of an aid cutoff would enable the US and Europe to influence the course of Ethiopia’s complex internal politics.
What most people think of as the Cold War began nearly a century later, after World War II, when the Soviet Union, seeking to expand its sphere of influence, installed communist governments from Poland to Bulgaria.
As a result, liberal feminists have increased their influence among both decision makers and religious women.
Many other factors, of course, influence growth and convergence: macroeconomic stability, the efficiency and robustness of the financial sector, the terms of trade, the quality of public administration, demographic factors, and political factors.
Iran seeks to project its influence in support of the region’s historically dominant Shia populations, while Saudi Arabia pushes back by arming rebel factions opposing Syria’s Iranian-backed president, Bashar al-Assad, and by fighting what it views as an Iranian presence in its own backyard, in Yemen.
With the latest great-power interventions by the US and Russia, many are reminded of the 1916 Sykes-Picot agreement between Great Britain and France to draw new national borders in the region and divide it into spheres of influence.
The region does not need new borders and new protectorates, but rather better states, built to be resilient against ethnic divisions and less vulnerable to external influence.
Their economic and political failures were in large part due to secessionist movements – actively supported by Russia – that aimed at keeping both countries in the Kremlin’s “sphere of influence.”
For example, though China said little in public about Russia’s invasion and dismemberment of Georgia last summer, Russia is making a strategic mistake if it equates China’s public silence with tacit acquiescence in the Kremlin’s claim to “privileged” influence in the post-Soviet countries to China’s west.
So far, China’s rulers have regarded emerging strategic competition with India, Japan, Russia, and the United States as a jostling for influence in Central and South Asia.
China’s strategic imperatives in this competition are twofold: to ensure that no rival acquires a dangerous “privileged influence” in any of its border regions; and to promote stability so that trade, and the sea lanes through which it passes (hence China’s interest in Sri Lanka and in combating Somali pirates), is protected.
This informal web is being engineered not only to keep its rivals from coalescing or gaining privileged influence, but also to restrain the actions of China’s local partners so as to dampen tension anywhere it might flare up.
But it is no guarantee against political influence on inflation.
A former adviser to Deng Xiaoping and confidante of former President Jiang Zemin (whose political influence is now waning), Li was among the first to invest in China after the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989.
For many Western citizens, entities such as the EU, no less than the rise of major emerging economies such as China and India, are perceived as agents of this decline, rather than as a source of leverage to influence global power shifts and react in accordance with its values and interests.
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