Inflationary
in sentence
380 examples of Inflationary in a sentence
France’s basic problem, like that of the countries most affected by the crisis, is that the wave of cheap credit that the euro’s introduction made possible fueled an
inflationary
bubble that robbed it of its competitiveness.
If PiS’s populist slogans become policy, government spending is likely to expand, which will exacerbate Poland’s already weak fiscal position and consequently trigger
inflationary
expectations.
Worse still, in the medium turn the monetary overhang may lead to significant
inflationary
risks.
It is certainly cause for celebration that
inflationary
policies have been banished and governance has improved throughout much of the developing world.
Given the way Keynesianism came to be associated with
inflationary
fiscal and monetary policies in the 1970s, it is easy to forget what a hawk Keynes was in his final years.
Finally, by demonstrating a willingness to print money, the Fed hopes to increase
inflationary
expectations from their current low levels.
As a result, the Chinese will be able to allow the renminbi to rise substantially against the dollar if they want to raise its overall global value in order to decrease China’s portfolio risk and rein in
inflationary
pressure.
On the contrary, the Bank’s current policy of fighting
inflationary
pressures by slower growth, a stronger euro, and the credit crunch seems just about right for the time being.
First, by an immediate break in the country's
inflationary
inertia as expectations of continuing inflation were shattered.
He has also worked successfully to contain
inflationary
pressures.
China is now facing
inflationary
pressures.
If monetary authorities respond appropriately to growing
inflationary
pressure – recognizing that much of it is imported, and not a result of excess domestic demand – we may be able to manage our way through it.
The key is to ensure that public debt and
inflationary
pressures are well managed during the good times.
The only plausible
inflationary
scenario presupposes that when economies recover, central banks do not raise interest rates sufficiently in the coming boom, keeping too much of the current liquidity in the market.
If they do not raise interest rates while the major problem is inflation, they might cause spikes in prices, rising
inflationary
expectations, and a stubborn wage-price spiral like that of the 1970’s that can be unwound only with a later, deeper depression.
In normal times, the Fed’s response – extremely monetary stimulus – would be highly
inflationary.
And because inflation is still too low, owing to depressed macroeconomic conditions, there is no need for the Fed to raise interest rates and offset any
inflationary
effects of the increase in spending.
If the economy is slowing, if there is excess capacity, and if inflation is low, interest rates are reduced; if the economy is strong, if excess capacity is limited, and if
inflationary
pressures are growing, interest rates are raised.
But this will create its own challenges, including recurrent
inflationary
pressures and surges in capital inflows, leading to greater policy experimentation.
Most business investing leads through non-monetary channels to higher employment – without
inflationary
over-heating.
But once deleveraging is complete and the credit cycle turns,
inflationary
pressure is likely to reappear.
But, because the Chinese financial system remains tightly controlled and the options for investors are very limited, the usual
inflationary
consequences have not followed.
Inflationary
AngstPRINCETON – Can central banks contain inflation?
After successful experiments in smaller economies, New Zealand in 1990 and then Canada in 1991, and later in Sweden and the United Kingdom, the conviction developed that the new approach represented a superior way of dealing with the problem of
inflationary
expectations.
The debate in the 1970’s – the period of the last general
inflationary
surge – has become relevant again.
Second, post-war Keynesian “demand-management” policies, credited with having produced the long post-1945 boom, ran into
inflationary
trouble at the end of the 1960s.
It gives comfort to ECB critics like Sarkozy, and otherwise puts pressure on them to drop the central bank’s
inflationary
bias because of its effect on the euro.
The ECB should drop its
inflationary
bias because the European economy is weakening, and the weaker economy will contain whatever
inflationary
pressures now exist.
The longer the ECB maintains its
inflationary
bias, the steeper the consequent economic decline as the economy crumbles under the weight of the skyrocketing euro and interest rates that are too high for current economic realities (though lower than where the ECB hawks had planned to go before the current financial crisis hit).
Ironically, the ECB will have to cut interest rates sooner, and by greater amounts, because its
inflationary
bias is sending the euro to dangerous levels for the current state of its economy.
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