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Indicators in sentence

591 examples of Indicators in a sentence

These are better social indicators than the United Kingdom had in 1960.
Not only did these countries achieve better social indicators in these dimensions; they also could benefit from the technological innovations of the past half-century: computers, cellphones, the Internet, Teflon, and so on.
Why can’t today’s emerging markets replicate levels of productivity that were achieved in countries with worse social indicators and much older technologies?
But, while per capita indicators are useful for assessing a country’s consumption potential, they do not provide an adequate picture of growth potential, because they include the elderly and the young, who do not contribute to production.
Nor have health indicators kept up with income growth.
These indicators are symptomatic of a general pattern of discrimination.
India has been so deeply mired in political paralysis that the Nobel laureate economist Amartya Sen recently said that the country has “fallen from being the second best to the second worst” South Asian country, and that it is currently “no match for China” on social indicators.
Until recently, most macroeconomic indicators were regularly leading to downgrades in growth projections.
Yet up-to-date data exist for only a small fraction of the indicators that were developed to assess progress on the 17 SDGs – including the more than 40 that directly relate to gender equality.
Of the 14 indicators of progress associated with the primary gender equity goal, SDG 5, most countries are measuring just three.
First, macroeconomic indicators will be worse than expected, with growth failing to recover as fast the consensus expects.
Moreover, a common monetary policy combined with independent fiscal policy is bound to fail: the former increases unemployment in weaker economies because the interest rate reflects average eurozone indicators (with large weights on Germany and France), but keeps borrowing costs low enough that weak economies’ governments can finance fiscal profligacy.
Meanwhile, deficit and debt indicators have worsened, both in absolute terms and relative to emerging economies, and the average risk premium on advanced economies’ debt now exceeds that for emerging economies.
However, conditional cash-transfer programs have been quite successful in improving various human-development indicators.
There are school and university league tables, rankings of companies on profitability or corporate social responsibility, tables of happiness indicators by country, and tables that attempt to rank consumer brands by value.
But in situations of absolute uncertainty, it is advisable to assume the worst, and many indicators seem to point to a potential “hostile takeover” of liberal democracy by Trump and his cohorts.
They tasked the G-20 with developing a set of indicators that would signal when any country, including the US and China, was at risk of a crisis.
Unfortunately, such early warning indicators are better at reflecting the last crisis than they are at preventing the next one.
The nature of financial risk is constantly changing in ways that are difficult to predict using backward-looking indicators like those being devised by the G-20.
In any case, the only process for acting on such indicators is “peer pressure,” which is unlikely to deliver results.
Such indicators would enable decision makers to consider the longer-term impact of behavior that might deplete or build assets and impede or establish a more sustainable pattern of development.
But the exclusive focus on economic indicators has prevented consideration of the geopolitical implications of a US domestic trend that is also frequently discussed, but by a separate group of experts: America’s ever-increasing rates of severe mental disease (which have already been very high for a long time).
The hope was that the Chinese leadership would finally do something – preferably something bold – to forestall further decline in the country’s major economic indicators.
Several indicators suggest that, after decades of secular decline, America’s manufacturing competitiveness is indeed on the rise.
We look at almost a hundred indicators and define governance in a new way – as the public goods and services that should be provided to citizens.
But neither that decision nor later IMF policy papers on multilateral surveillance provide specific and comparative quantitative indicators that would eliminate the need for case-by-case judgment.
Today, indicators of this global slowdown are to be found everywhere – from underwhelming retail and trade data to unanticipated policy responses, including China’s surprise currency devaluation (which coincides with its leaders’ commitment to a long-term shift toward a more market-based exchange-rate regime).
Data for indicators of women’s leadership in Asia, though limited, show that the Philippines, Australia, and New Zealand are consistently among the top performers.
But now that we are measuring indicators like child mortality more precisely, people are able to see the impact that aid has in stark terms – that it means the difference between, say, giving people access to HIV treatment and letting them die.
The level, composition, and growth of spending and taxes are the fundamental fiscal indicators.
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