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Importers in sentence

89 examples of Importers in a sentence

But the government has opted to default on these obligations, too, leaving importers with a lot of useless local currency.
As major importers of regional labor, their success results in higher remittances to non-oil economies; and, as major regional investors, their achievements are fueling larger capital flows, as well as substantial bilateral aid.
At the same time, some traditional importers are tapping new sources of energy and becoming producers, changing the direction of energy flows.
Indeed, the second risk posed by higher oil prices – a terms-of-trade and disposable income shock to all energy and commodity importers – will hit advanced economies especially hard, as they have barely emerged from recession and are still experiencing an anemic recovery.
Today, neither oil exporters nor importers are adequately insulated from price shocks.
When oil prices declined rapidly in 2015, for example, Africa’s energy importers spent less on oil, while exporting countries suffered financially.
Moreover, the benefits of lower commodity prices do not seem to have materialized among net importers, except perhaps India; if they have, they have been far from adequate to offset other growth-damaging forces.
Oil above $140 a barrel was the last straw – coming on top of the housing busts and financial shocks – for the global economy, as it represented a massive supply shock for the US, Europe, Japan, China and other net importers of oil.
That is a serious concern, occupying finance ministries, central banks, trading desks, and importers and exporters worldwide.
But Chinese officials’ piecemeal efforts to restore confidence in the country’s exports – for example, establishing limits for trace amounts of melamine in dairy products and tightening quality-control regulations for the dairy industry – are unlikely to reassure foreign consumers or importers.
On the contrary, it has lost market share among the largest oil importers in Asia, which have increased their purchases of West African crude (diverted from the US).
China is quickly turning into one of the world’s largest importers of oil and gas.
Free capital mobility allowed surpluses from large savers such as Germany to flow to capital importers such as Spain, while the perceived elimination of currency risk served to aggravate such flows.
First, the weak and largely jobless economic recovery in America and Europe shines the spotlight on China’s surging exports and the non-tariff barriers confronted by would-be importers to China.
They could establish trust between exporters and importers because they could punish opportunistic behaviors.
Exporters and importers no longer need to know one another, because they can write a contract that a court will enforce.
We now live in a different world where developing countries are a fundamental source of growth, as well as being importers of capital goods and services from developed countries.
Rich labor-importing countries and poor labor-exporting countries have a mutually dependent relationship; but labor importers can unilaterally tighten or loosen immigration or labor-market regulations, leaving exporters in a constant state of uncertainty.
Labor importers would have to vie for access to a collective market, rather than individual national markets, and countries that gained access would have a significant comparative advantage over those that did not.
Because a cartel would make these market changes more discernible, labor exporters would be able to respond and adjust their worker-training systems accordingly, increasing labor importers’ ability to recruit migrant workers better suited to the available jobs.
As the price of oil collapsed in 2014, the government, having lost access to capital markets because of its profligacy, chose to continue servicing its bonded debt and default on its obligations to importers and most non-financial creditors.
Exporters also travel twice as much as importers.
One reason is that emerging-market energy importers have a much larger global economic footprint than they did in the 1980s, and their approach to oil markets is much more interventionist than in the advanced countries.
Thus, low prices should continue to support growth, even if emerging-market importers continue to use the savings to cut subsidies.
Thus, the sharp fall in the crude-oil price – from about $110 last year to around $60 today – is yielding hundreds of billions of dollars in savings for oil importers.
The fall in (consumer) prices that the eurozone currently is experiencing should thus be seen as a positive development for all energy importers.
This means that the cost of tariffs will fall mainly on US consumers and importers, pushing up US inflation and interest rates, rather than hitting Chinese economic activity and jobs.
The worst outcomes (Category 5 hurricanes of debt) involved a triple blow to a class of capital importers (the commodity producers).
That difference led to active exchange-rate arbitrage by mainland importers and multinational firms – one form of capital inflows from Hong Kong to the mainland.
Exchange-rate arbitrage by mainland importers and multinationals creates upward pressure on the CNY and downward pressure on the CNH.
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