Import
in sentence
743 examples of Import in a sentence
Lacking well-developed industrial production and intra-community trade, devaluation brought& them higher&
import
prices, inflation, and& rising unemployment.
And his trade and industry minister is unlikely to repeat the antics of a recent predecessor, who placed a gun on the table while negotiating
import
and export quotas with local producers.
The current account is roughly in balance, so there is no need for further
import
compression.
US
import
tariffs now apply to 59 different types of steel.
Import
tariffs will have no effect on that, but they will certainly raise costs for American consumers and producers.
Indeed, for sectors in which Chinese imports accounted for at least 40% of demand in 2011, the
import
share has increased at a faster pace than it has for manufacturing overall.
Industries with large energy requirements, like chemical manufacturing, have experienced a much smaller increase in
import
share than less energy-intensive industries like computers and electronic products.
To a large extent, this discrepancy reflects a low and delayed exchange-rate pass-through into US
import
prices, linked to America’s unique advantage of having more than 90% of its imported goods priced in its own currency, with dollar prices remaining unchanged for ten months at a time.
Even conditional on prices being renegotiated, the pass-through is quite low, with a 10% depreciation of the dollar appearing as a cumulative 3% increase in
import
prices after two years.
Of course, given that the increase in emerging economies’ labor costs and the decline in American energy prices are recent developments,
import
shares could begin to decline in a few years.
This means that if Trump fulfills his campaign promises – say, to impose severe immigration limits and high
import
tariffs – he won’t actually solve the problem.
But the other post-Soviet countries resist, because a customs union with Russia would force them to raise their
import
tariffs, hindering their trade with other countries.
This principle underpins the EU’s refusal to
import
genetically modified (GM) foods from the US, where they are widely consumed.
These rice exporters, including the US, also maintain stiff
import
duties, thereby protecting domestic farmers from global competition.
Economists see a case for trade agreements for large countries because these countries can manipulate their terms of trade – the world prices of the goods they export and
import.
For example, by imposing an
import
tariff on, say, steel, the United States can reduce the prices at which Chinese producers sell their products.
Even though the US does impose
import
duties on Chinese steel (and many other products), the motive hardly seems to be to lower the world price of steel.
When trade agreements were largely about
import
tariffs, negotiated exchange of market access generally produced lower
import
barriers – an example of the benefits of lobbies acting as counterweights to one another.
This increases developing countries exports and reduces their
import
demand (or increases it at a lower rate than export growth).
In 1992, subsidized credits, export subsidies, and
import
subsidies generated gross rents of some $60 billion in Russia.
Indeed, this ideological divide is likely to become more defined in the coming years, as the independence of central banks around the world is threatened by new rules and regulations; as China – and, more generally, Asia – export inflation (reflected in US
import
prices); as protectionism rises, hitting free trade hard; and as new productivity-enhancing innovations, such as the Internet, remain absent.
The deliberate undervaluation of China’s currency, and the fall in the dollar, are both putting a squeeze on the export prospects of the European Union members and other countries like Canada and Mexico, and China’s covert and not so covert export subsidies and
import
barriers exacerbate the problem.
Oil-rich states need global networks to sell their oil, to export their capital, and to
import
technologies and technologists.
Lacking in saving and wanting to grow, America must
import
surplus savings from abroad.
Even before his inauguration, Trump was trying to influence companies’ choices about manufacturing locations, including by threatening
import
tariffs on products manufactured in, say, Mexico.
A better alternative for Trump would be to persuade China to
import
more from the US.
All ECO’s partners would prefer to both
import
from and export to Western and developed Asian economies.
Trump then took the matter a step further, publicly suggesting that he would use the “One China” policy as a bargaining chip in bilateral negotiations over contentious economic and security issues – from
import
taxes to North Korea.
First proposed by Khamenei in 2012, this approach relies on
import
substitution and favors domestic over foreign investment, in an effort to reduce Iran’s reliance on Western economies and strengthen its resilience against international sanctions.
In developing countries,
import
substitution as a way to jump-start economic diversification can work for a while; but, over time, as productivity growth lags and comparative advantage is over-ridden, growth grinds to a halt.
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