Implies
in sentence
1050 examples of Implies in a sentence
Any immigration restriction, Kahneman and Tversky would say,
implies
a trade-off between two errors.
Never mind the inevitable turmoil in global financial markets or the collapse of shale-oil production in the United States and what it
implies
for energy independence.
The North’s latest ICBM test has transformed the theater of diplomacy and war in Asia, and possibly the world, as it
implies
a level of nuclear risk witnessed only once before, with the Soviet Union in 1962.
But this
implies
a key problem: Whereas a bankruptcy court can force holdout creditors to accept the exchange offer as long as a significant majority of creditors have already done so (a so-called “cram down”), the market-based approach allows some creditors to continue to hold out and sue to be paid in full.
First, they must accumulate capital, which
implies
a high savings rate that will help pay for new machines, equipment, and infrastructure.
This often
implies
illicit payments to obtain contracts or licenses outside official tender processes.
Now these policies have to be reversed, which
implies
similar political challenges and costs.
The plan itself recognizes that its adoption
implies
another “lost decade” of economic activity and will weaken the island’s debt sustainability, thus perpetuating a crisis that all parties would like to end .
This
implies
that the crisis is likely to persist much longer than in the US, because households in Spain and Ireland will labor for decades to service mortgages on houses that they can no longer afford.
For Bangladesh, this
implies
that 75% of the tariff lines, accounting for more than 90% of the value of its exports to the US, could be excluded from duty-free treatment.
Failure to recognize their impact
implies
that export – and, in turn, growth – projections will continue to miss the mark.
Second, this type of model strongly
implies
that governments should do nothing in the face of such “shocks.”
The second danger is that “competitiveness”
implies
that what is good for companies located in America – good, that is, for their investors, executives, and financiers – is good for America as a whole.
This
implies
an arbitrage opportunity for governments: borrow massively at these low (or even negative) real interest rates, and invest the proceeds in positive-returning projects, such as infrastructure or education.
US dominance is clearly on the wane, but a multipolar order
implies
that several emerging powers hold competing views about how the world should be run, and that they are prepared to act to advance their global agendas.
But research conducted over many years suggests that greater wealth
implies
greater happiness only at quite low levels of income.
However, for precisely that reason, an employment subsidy is likely to be more effective in boosting demand, which
implies
that a smaller injection of this kind is likely to boost demand as much as a larger asset purchase would.
This creates a powerful incentive to overinvest and
implies
enormous redistribution from households to SOEs, most of which would be losing money if they had to borrow at market-equilibrium interest rates.
Though the Fed may no longer be promising patience, the current financial environment
implies
that investors should not, for the time being, anticipate a major hike.
The narrow majority for “Leave”
implies
that there are still many in Britain who deeply resent the idea of “Brexit.”
Unlike dictatorships, the democratic process takes time, and
implies
compromise.
The familiar "scarcity" or "resource" explanation of national poverty
implies
that, without large infusions of aid from rich nations, poor countries will never catch up.
A growth order, by contrast,
implies
an emphasis on the configuration of sociopolitical and economic institutions – including norms, procedures, laws, and enforcement mechanisms – to achieve social objectives, such as improved living standards, a healthier natural environment, and a harmonious and innovative society.
Reform, after all,
implies
that traditional norms and institutions may have already been discredited, but that alternative structures have yet to be firmly established.
This
implies
the continued globalization of finance, which will be essential to allocate money from capital-rich regions to their poor, capital-scarce counterparts, as well as to develop local capital markets that can facilitate capital formation and protect countries from the vagaries of global sentiment.
Finally, the reduction of global imbalances
implies
that the current-account deficits of profligate economies (the US and other Anglo-Saxon countries) will narrow the current-account surpluses of over-saving countries (China and other emerging markets, Germany, and Japan).
It should, however, foster a culture of consultation with industry as a necessary dimension of legitimacy, which
implies
more transparent approaches to considering the market impact of proposed standards.
Experience also shows that bad risks are often shut out of the market, which
implies
that a country with a high debt burden and many European bonds outstanding might not be able to issue any private debt at all.
A common euro-zone bond certainly
implies
that countries like France and Germany would have to pay higher interest rates, ultimately resulting in higher tax burdens for their citizens.
All of this
implies
that if the economy is at full employment and targeted inflation, the federal funds rate should equal 2% plus the rate of inflation.
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