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Impeachment in sentence

218 examples of Impeachment in a sentence

So did the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff in Brazil, and the replacement of her failed economic policies with an approach that recognizes that fiscal debts and deficits cannot keep growing forever.
Since her impeachment, economic recovery has taken hold, with 1% growth in 2017 expected to accelerate to 2-3% in 2018.
In the case of former President Richard Nixon, the most significant article of impeachment adopted by the House Judiciary Committee stipulated that the president could be held accountable for his subordinates’ actions.
Some legislators have called for his impeachment before he leaves office.
Moreover, immediately after his acquittal by the Republican-controlled Senate in a sham impeachment trial in which no witnesses were called, Trump fired those who had testified in the House of Representatives about his efforts to coerce Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to investigate a political rival.
Indeed, when impeachment witness Lt. Col. Alexander S. Vindman was fired, security officers marched his twin brother, Lt. Col. Yevgeny Vindman, a lawyer on the National Security Council staff, out of the White House alongside him.
Donald CaesarWASHINGTON, DC – The outcome of the US Senate’s trial of Donald Trump, following his impeachment by the House of Representatives, was a foregone conclusion.
Trump survived impeachment.
And, with Ukraine at the center of Trump’s just-concluded impeachment by the US House of Representatives and upcoming trial in the Senate, the US cannot be considered a reliable partner.
Yet, barring more fights over the US federal budget and the debt ceiling – not to mention possible impeachment proceedings against Trump – the US could be spared serious domestic political and policy shocks in the months ahead.
From Iran’s audacious attack on major oil facilities in Saudi Arabia to the launch of an impeachment inquiry against US President Donald Trump, the last month has underscored the volatility gripping the international order.
As the impeachment inquiry monopolizes America’s attention, this trend is likely to accelerate.
Other major issues on the agenda this fall – including gun control (which the administration is resisting even as it bans vaping pens) and a decision by House Democrats on whether to launch a formal impeachment process – are also likely to ratchet up pressure on Trump.
These legal proceedings will now dominate the news cycle in France, just as US President Donald Trump’s strong-arming of Ukraine and subsequent impeachment dominated the news in the US.
The Impeachment BluesWASHINGTON, DC – The most dismaying thing about the impeachment proceedings against US President Donald Trump is that they are falling so short of the constitutional gravamen of the issue.
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who had long been reluctant to proceed with impeachment, lost control of her caucus over the issue this summer and has ended up where she feared: in a bitter partisan fight.
At the risk of setting an unfortunate precedent by allowing Trump’s numerous other abuses of power to go unpunished, Pelosi has narrowed the impeachment inquiry to presidential activity for which there is adequate proof, and that she and her Democratic allies think the American public can easily understand.
When Pelosi announced the impeachment inquiry in September, for example, she handed over leadership on the issue to the steady, tough-minded Schiff, removing it from the more openly partisan House Judiciary Committee, which has a weaker chairman (Jerrold Nadler of New York).
That will change when public impeachment hearings begin this week.
I covered Nixon’s impeachment, and although Trump is theoretically guilty of more serious offenses, there’s one striking similarity: both men got in the deepest trouble for failing to recognize limits on seeking revenge against political opponents.
As a diversion, they’ve tried to smear and even expose the whistleblower whose report triggered the impeachment inquiry.
At least one ethics expert says that Trump’s contributions to senators before the impeachment vote could constitute a “bribe” (yet another impeachable offense).
At the same time, he’s increasingly agitated about his likely impeachment in the House.
And the great American impeachment saga takes Washington’s political dysfunction further into uncharted territory.
Moreover, Trump expects to benefit personally from US diplomacy, as shown by the Ukraine scandal that led to his impeachment by the US House of Representatives last December.
After Rousseff’s impeachment in 2016, the government reinforced expenditure cuts, again without a growth strategy.
Two particular targets of his vengefulness have been inspectors general of federal departments (a genus of official installed after Watergate in order to bring accountability to government agencies), especially if they played a role in Trump’s impeachment in January, and people who have disagreed too publicly with his views about the current plague.
But Trump did have his White House counsel send Pelosi a letter asserting that the impeachment inquiry is unconstitutional and vowing that the administration will not cooperate with it at all.
No one is surprised that Trump himself is deploying every Orwellian device at his disposal to thwart the current impeachment inquiry in the House of Representatives.
Worse, Barr is planning to release the report in coordination with Trump’s allies in Congress, where Republicans are eager for ammunition to deflect attention from the impeachment proceedings.
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