Example collocations logo

Immigrants in sentence

1109 examples of Immigrants in a sentence

When Spain and Portugal joined the EU two decades ago, emigration to existing member states was lessened by the fact that many immigrants had arrived from these countries during Europe's go-go 1960s.
Unlike immigration from non-European countries, East European immigrants share a similar cultural background and will assimilate easily.
If workfare replaces welfare, wages will become more flexible enabling EU labor markets to absorb immigrants more efficiently.
If immigrants gain welfare benefits in addition to wages, more will be lured into coming than necessary, and marginal migrants would create welfare losses for the EU equal to the benefits.
Given that immigrants usually enter countries that redistribute resources from above-average to below-average incomes, such benefits are likely even if immigrants work and pay taxes and social security contributions.
One way to curtail this problem is to delay full integration of immigrants into the welfare system of a host country for a few years-a reform advocated by the Scientific Advisory Committee to Germany's Federal Finance Ministry.
Immigrants could come and work, pay taxes and social contributions, and gain free access to the public goods of the host country.
The exceptions would have to be tailored by each country so that the net cost of all transfers of public resources to and from immigrants is zero.
Immigrants come to Europe in large measure because Europe needs them.
Yet the only real difference between most inhabitants of the Ivory Coast – which has the most immigrants of any West African country – is the timing of their forefathers’ arrival.
For others, the number of immigrants over the last few years has simply been too high.
Sweden and Germany receive the largest inflows of immigrants by far – and Germany is nearly ten times the size of Sweden.
But it still turned out well: The Bosnian immigrants have fared roughly as well as the Swedes who received them, and they have enriched our society.
And now the number of immigrants is increasing again, reflecting chronic turmoil in the Middle East and elsewhere, as well as Europe’s increasingly turbulent and dangerous neighborhood, largely owing to Russian revisionism and military expansion.
And no one should forget that, despite his campaign rhetoric and his apparent unpopularity with many immigrants, Sarkozy himself is an immigrant’s son who favors bold affirmative action policies.
You are an heiress to a noble heritage, and thus not only better than the mass of immigrants, but also part of something larger and more compelling than is implied by the cog status that a multiracial, secular society offers you.
If a society does not offer individuals a community life that takes them beyond themselves, values only production and the bottom line, and opens itself to immigrants without asserting and cherishing what is special and valuable about Danish, Norwegian, or French culture, it is asking for trouble.
For, although the US has drawn strength from the ideal of a “melting pot” – and President Barack Obama’s cabinet does represent a new high-water mark for diversity – Americans have often shown a xenophobic distrust of immigrants who have drawn too close to power.
They can be provided “humanitarian protection” or be granted “discretionary leave to remain” for a short period; but then they can be deported as illegal immigrants.
He is the son of immigrants, the outsider whose rise to the top is living proof of French openness.
In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, German immigrants, the so-called Pennsylvania Dutch, carried them to the United States, from where they later spread to the rest of the world, if only as marketing icons for Coca Cola.
Members of high-risk groups, such as immigrants, the homeless, commercial sex workers, and the poor, are forced to move or search for work.
In the populist imagination, both the very top and the very bottom of society are not really a part of it: they are directly or indirectly supported by outside powers (think of pro-European liberal elites in Central and Eastern Europe); more obviously, they are immigrants or minorities, like the Roma.
In Portugal, when asked if first-generation immigrants are well integrated, 79% of respondents said yes, as did 63% of those surveyed in Spain.
As a result, fear is muted: asked whether immigrants take away jobs from native-born citizens, 80% of Germans and 77% of Swedes said that they do not.
In fact, almost two-thirds – including 82% in Sweden and 71% in Germany – say that immigrants enrich their national culture.
Many multicultural theorists, although committed to openness toward immigrants, are not committed to the openness of immigrants to their new home.
One can understand why, living in a foreign country they may perceive as hostile, immigrants opt to close themselves off, and some host countries – France, for example –may be too hasty in demanding that immigrants accept new ways of life.
Nor was he asking for the full assimilation of immigrants to British customs.
Finally, a liberal society will not focus on what we can offer immigrants, but on what they can offer us.
BackNext