Imbalances
in sentence
916 examples of Imbalances in a sentence
But these countries still need to gain competitiveness by lowering the relative price of their export goods, because they need to sustain external surpluses to correct accumulated
imbalances.
Likewise, if economists had listened to their critics who warned about currency manipulation, trade imbalances, and job losses, instead of sticking to models that assumed away such problems, they might have been in a better position to counter excessive claims about the adverse impact of trade deals on employment.
Europe and African DefenseWASHINGTON, DC – The European Union already faces considerable risks concerning its structure, uncertain economic recovery, north-south imbalances, and British ambivalence about membership.
The short answer is a “new normal,” with slower growth, a de-risked and more stable core financial system, and a set of additional challenges (energy, climate, and demographic imbalances, to name a few) with varying time horizons that will test our collective capacity to improve management and oversight of the global economy.
BEIJING – Ever since the integration of emerging markets into the global economy began in the early 1990’s, three striking trends have emerged: a divergence in private savings rates between the industrialized core and the emerging periphery (the former experiencing a sharp rise, and the latter a steady decline); large global
imbalances
between the two regions; and a drop in interest rates worldwide.
But, while global
imbalances
have preoccupied many observers, few have sought to explain the divergence in world savings behavior.
I have long attributed the financial crisis to
imbalances
within and between the United States and China, the world’s two largest economies.
Many are running macro imbalances, such as twin current account and fiscal deficits, and confront rising inflation and slowing growth.
The euro was supposed to bring about economic convergence, but it produced divergences instead, because its architects did not realize that
imbalances
may emerge not only in the public sector, but in the private sector as well.
These divergent trends, rather than generic capital flight, explain part of the growing
imbalances
in the Target 2 eurozone payment system.
The eurozone’s survival demands a credible solution to its long-running sovereign-debt crisis, which in turn requires addressing the two macroeconomic
imbalances
– external and fiscal – which are at the heart of that crisis.
The result has been large trade
imbalances
between eurozone countries, a problem compounded by large fiscal deficits and high levels of public debt in southern Europe (and France) – much of it owed to foreign creditors.
Does addressing these
imbalances
require breaking up the eurozone?
First among such sources of uncertainty is the global economy: will volatility and
imbalances
lead to collapse, or will greater multipolarity underpin greater resilience?
However, even if we can agree on keeping the US open to sovereign wealth fund investments, that is no reason for promoting exchange-rate policies that exacerbate the very trade
imbalances
that are driving the whole sovereign wealth fund phenomenon in the first place.
But looking after the stability of the global financial system, including the assessment of exchange-rate policies and global payment imbalances, is a different responsibility.
And the benefits will not be confined to Asia; as imports to the region increase, global trade
imbalances
will decline, improving the sustainability of economic growth worldwide.
It then cites “global current account imbalances,” particularly “the US external deficit,” describing it as “unprecedented for a reserve currency country to have a current account deficit of such magnitude.”
Governments that pursue policies – whether US fiscal laxity or China’s exchange-rate peg – that create unsustainable
imbalances
do so for what they regard as important political reasons.
While the conventional view is that trade
imbalances
drive exchange rates and capital flows, financial accounting in Japan, for example, tells a different story.
The answer could be economic: those who arrived in 2015-2016 have already created labor-market imbalances, with low-skill immigrants increasingly competing for jobs with low-skill citizens.
Notably, the problems created by gender
imbalances
cannot be solved with better education or more income redistribution, because mating preferences are relative, not absolute.
To be sure, gender
imbalances
are not the only driver of anti-immigrant sentiment, let alone populism more broadly.
There is little that can be done to change gender
imbalances
in a particular place.
In the short run, the top priority is income support for the poor and the unemployed, who are the immediate victims of crises and the underlying
imbalances
and structural problems, which take time to remove.
But its response – essentially just more quantitative easing – could backfire, exacerbating
imbalances
and generating serious financial instability.
An even more expansionary monetary-policy stance might strengthen the recovery marginally, but at the cost of increasing the eurozone’s already-dangerous
imbalances.
When combined with China’s rapid growth in manufacturing capacity, this pattern promises to create a new round of global
imbalances.
In effect, China is fostering new
imbalances
at a time when countries are struggling with the demand shortfall caused by the financial crisis.
Finally, we must address the structural
imbalances
that persist in our transportation policies.
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