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Households in sentence

1591 examples of Households in a sentence

But the moral hazard view misses the central point: as we document in our book, households, banks, rating agencies, investors, and policymakers all believed in the housing market, and all failed to see the risks.
If business prospects are weak, companies are unlikely to invest; if households are drowning in debt, they are unlikely to go on a spending spree.
Whereas high-income households have an average of 12 books per child, more than half of the day-care centers for the lowest-income children do not have a single book.
This effort has gained broad public acceptance because it was fair: both retirees and working people will contribute, as will companies and households.
But policymakers should have recognized that even these better rationales had limits, and that massive sustained current-account deficits are often a blinking red signal of deeper problems – in this case, over-borrowing by households to finance home purchases.
If the dollar remained stable, the tax would simply push up import prices, and these higher costs would fall on US households and industries that rely on imported inputs.
In fact, Bulgarian, Croatian, and Romanian households have already loaded up on excessive debt in foreign currencies – primarily euros – in anticipation of joining the monetary union, and this has created substantial financial difficulties.
It noted that “borrowers at risk of significant mortgage payment increases remained a small minority, concentrated mostly among higher-income households that were aware of the attendant risks,” and concluded that “indications are that credit and risk allocation mechanisms in the U.S. housing market have remained relatively efficient.”
The risk is that the commercial banks could always decide to start using those excess reserves, forgoing the low rate of interest paid on deposits by the Fed (only 0.25%) and lending those funds to firms and households.
The bad news, though, is that the run-up of personal debt means that many households will be left with liabilities exceeding the value of their homes, implying a rising number of bankruptcies.
There may have been more savings opportunities for households and more diverse funding sources for firms, but the added value of asset-management activity was illusory.
Much of it involved costly churning of portfolios, while increased leverage implied fragility for the financial system as a whole and imposed severe social costs as over-exposed households subsequently went bankrupt.
Either it could step in and provide an enormous amount of credit directly to households and firms (much like Gosbank, the Soviet Union’s central bank), or it could stand by idly while GDP falls 20-30% – the magnitude of decline that we have seen in modern economies when credit suddenly dries up.
Private- and public-sector deleveraging in the advanced economies has barely begun, with balance sheets of households, banks and financial institutions, and local and central governments still strained.
Rising inequality – owing partly to job-slashing corporate restructuring – is reducing aggregate demand further, because households, poorer individuals, and labor-income earners have a higher marginal propensity to spend than corporations, richer households, and capital-income earners.
As a result, dealing with stock imbalances – the large debts of households, financial institutions, and governments – by papering over solvency problems with financing and liquidity may eventually give way to painful and possibly disorderly restructurings.
Unlike most other developed countries, Germany’s tax system lacks an automatic adjustment mechanism to prevent inflation from pushing households into higher tax brackets.
And while discretionary adjustments do take place, they hardly provide full compensation to countless households that end up paying more tax than they should.
And while the coalition’s plan also promises higher contributions to the EU budget and more spending on the mothers’ pension and low-income households, it does not specify how those increases will be reconciled with a balanced budget.
A frightening 15% of households reported symptoms likely related to typhoid.
This can be done by refitting households with high-efficiency light bulbs and other technological improvements, and by retrofitting industrial plants with energy-saving technologies.
Tough regulation and record-low interest rates left companies and households with no debt overhang and little need to deleverage.
African households obtained access to modern medicine much later and more suddenly than people in other regions.
Instead, as the DPJ had promised its voters, the government focused on increasing spending, including huge new grants to households and farmers.
Because JGBs are purchased mainly by domestic organizations and households, there is little risk of capital flight, despite the seriousness of the budget situation.
If all households curbed their expenditures, total consumption would fall, and so, too, would demand for labor.
If the government tries to cut its deficit, households and firms will have to tighten their purse strings, resulting in less total spending.
This fallacy – often repeated by British Prime Minister David Cameron – treats governments as if they faced the same budget constraints as households or companies.
But governments are not like households or companies.
Eventually, lower commodity prices and lower inflation will act like a huge tax cut for households, allowing interest rates to fall further and thus stabilize economic activity.
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