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Households in sentence

1591 examples of Households in a sentence

Loans for education and car purchases are now also possible, and 2% of households have credit cards, which is obviously still low compared to 75% in the United States, but there were no such households just five years ago.
So, to reduce the trade deficit, households, businesses, and governments must increase their saving – obviously the preferred solution – or invest less.
Non-tariff barriers to US exports clearly hurt US firms without doing anything to help US households.
Land access, which is more unevenly distributed than incomes, is a deciding factor in whether someone suffers from malnutrition: 20% of households that experience hunger do not own land, and 50% of people who experience hunger are small-scale farmers.
That assumption would be wrong because, in December, the US Congress passed a sweeping tax bill that will, at least in the short term, disproportionately benefit higher-income households.
South Africa is home to several well-established, innovative banks that are well placed to offer low-cost, digital services to millions of currently unbanked African households and businesses.
It is ideally placed to provide insurance to the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa, where just 1% of households have insurance of any kind.
This will be even more important in the future as China carries out its plan to increase domestic spending, especially spending by Chinese households.
Others claim that tax evasion creates an unfair advantage for informal firms, or that family-wide health care gives households no incentive to have more than one member pay social-security taxes.
If organizations like Rotary International can help African farmers to get a 50 kilogram bag of appropriate fertilizer and a 10 kilogram tin of improved seeds, the rise in farm output could be enough to relieve extreme hunger and help farm households begin to earn some income.
And, in fact, it wasn’t: monetary policy was explicitly intended to buy time for households, the financial sector, and sovereigns to repair their balance sheets and for growth-enhancing policies to kick in.
Along with four dynamic city-states (New Delhi, Goa, Chandigarh, and Pondicherry), these states will be home to 50 million consumers, or 57% of the country’s middle-class households.
America’s 20 wealthiest people now own more wealth than the bottom half of the entire population The wealth gap between America’s high-income group and everyone else has never been more extreme; rich households account for more than one in five of the entire US population.
During the last tightening cycle between 2004 and 2006, households’ interest income rose 29%.
This ignores the fact, highlighted by a recent study by Guntram B. Wolff, that Germany’s current-account surplus is the result not of aging households’ frenzied desire to save more, but of underinvestment by businesses seeking to resist wage pressure.
Women are either the primary or the sole earner in about 40% of US two-parent households with at least one child under the age of 18.
If taxation of profitable firms and rich households blunts those prospects, the result is reduced effort and lower economic growth.
For example, in high-inequality societies, where poor households are deprived of economic and educational opportunities, economic growth is depressed.
Or consider transfer policies that tax the rich and the middle classes in order to increase the income of poor households.
A smart or cynical politician would see that if somehow middle-class households’ consumption kept up, if they could afford a new car every few years and the occasional exotic holiday, perhaps they would pay less attention to their stagnant paychecks.
Therefore, the political response to rising inequality – whether carefully planned or the path of least resistance – was to expand lending to households, especially low-income households.
In the US, the expansion of home ownership – a key element of the American dream – to low- and middle-income households was the defensible linchpin for the broader aims of expanding credit and consumption.
In the end, though, the misguided attempt to push home ownership through credit has left the US with houses that no one can afford and households drowning in debt.
They are all part of an enormous multilateral trade deficit that stems from America’s unprecedented shortfall of saving – a depreciation-adjusted “net national saving rate” (combining businesses, households, and the government sector) that has been negative since 2008.
Policies to expand social security and improve the provision of public goods could support these efforts, boosting domestic consumption by allowing households to reduce their precautionary savings.
Good governance is, of course, essential insofar as it provides households with greater clarity and investors with greater assurance that they can secure a return on their efforts.
In order to target these subsidies to low-income households, governments typically treat families of different income levels differently: the rich must fend for themselves, middle-class families are provided with assistance to secure mortgage loans, and the poor are offered public housing.
An earlier classroom lesson was well-founded: temporarily below-normal tax rates on labor this year, when merged with the prospect of reversion to normal rates next year, will encourage households to squeeze more work into this year and to work less in future years.
Households have cut their debt and rebuilt their balance sheets, but the large loss in household wealth, weak growth in wages and income, the concentration of most income gains at the top, and a decline in labor’s share of national income to record lows continue to constrain consumption.
One can think of the US economy as an 8-cylinder engine running on five, owing to residual deleveraging, fiscal consolidation and drag, public-sector investment shortfalls, and questions about the financial health and security of middle-income households (the backbone of domestic aggregate demand).
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