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Holdings in sentence

307 examples of Holdings in a sentence

It is now too late to turn back the clock and suddenly force banks to get rid of their excessive holdings of public debt.
The European Commission should have introduced capital requirements on banks’ holdings of public debt.
But the steep fall in the value of Italian and Spanish banks’ holdings of government debt, combined with mounting bad loans as a result of recessions exacerbated by punitive borrowing costs, is forcing the banks to rein in business lending further.
The Russian state now owns the largest natural gas company in the world (Gazprom), and, in addition to Rosneft (which will now control 40% of Russian oil production), other oil companies, as well as major holdings in transportation, financial intermediation, defense, and other sectors.
Creditors would then ask many more questions before adding to their already-considerable holdings of US government debt, generating still more headwinds in a US economy that already faces an unemployment crisis and uneven growth.
The Fed simply failed to comprehend the significance of traditional banks’ large holdings of mark-to-market assets and their own engagement in shadow banking via off-balance-sheet “structured investment vehicles.”
As for the third, the US Federal Reserve’s slow motion monetary tightening has just put the federal funds rate above 1%, and plans to pare the Fed’s asset holdings appear to be in the works.
Italian society’s tacit acceptance of such behavior has become more openly acknowledged in recent years, thanks perhaps to Berlusconi and his vast media holdings.
Compared to 2007 and 2008, foreign investors’ holdings in emerging markets are much higher, owing to these countries’ relative economic strength in recent years and rock-bottom returns on developed-market financial assets.
Because many of them held stakes in state-owned enterprises before becoming financial investors, their holdings tend to be diverse, and often include those same SOEs, as well as real estate and equity stakes in listed and unlisted companies.
These holdings also include a growing volume of assets in the developed economies – a reality that has raised eyebrows in Europe and the United States.
Domestically, governments have largely abandoned their efforts to divide sovereign holdings into multiple “pockets” that reflected the funds’ diverse investment objectives and wider political considerations.
Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund (PIF), for example, is now expected to become an almost $2 trillion investment vehicle, with holdings including SOEs and financial investments.
More broadly, the duration of holdings by mutual funds and pension funds – America’s core stockholder class – increased during the quarter-century from 1985 to 2010.
His hostility to foreign players in the industry (he expropriated several American oil companies’ holdings in 2007) limited investment and held back production.
And, because infrastructure is not yet a clearly defined asset class, investors often find it difficult to plan, assess, and manage their holdings in this area.
Europe’s economy remains shackled by three problems – sovereign debt, the euro, and wobbly banks – despite several new policy backstops: the European Stability Mechanism (ESM); the European Central Bank’s easy-money policies and holdings of sovereign debt; and the ECB’s takeover in November of supervision of the 130 or so largest pan-eurozone banks.
Those outflows are partly a result of the Chinese government’s easing of capital-account restrictions – an effort that should allow households, corporations, and institutional investors to diversify their portfolios by increasing their foreign holdings.
Some enthusiastic Europeans encouraged Asians to diversify their reserve holdings.
Only France ignored British statements and substantially sold off its sterling holdings.
Reserve holdings represent an outdated concept, and the world should contemplate some way of making them less central to the operation of the international financial system.
They should reduce their holdings as quickly as possible, before they do something really stupid with the accumulated treasure.
In other words, the self-insurance motive might explain China’s first trillion dollars of reserve holdings, but it has nothing to do with the subsequent three trillion.
And, complicating things further, given US banks’ vast holdings of excess reserves as a result of the Fed’s bond-buying policies (quantitative easing), the federal funds rate is no longer the key policy rate that it once was.
Chinese power today comes not from its ability to match America’s blue-water navy, but from its holdings in US Treasury bonds.
In a country where two-thirds of the population is still dependent on agriculture and small holdings are all that a majority of Indians live on, the new law helps those who have often felt exploited and deprived of their livelihoods by the state’s power of eminent domain.
From 2008 to 2017, the combined asset holdings of central banks in the major advanced economies (the United States, the eurozone, and Japan) expanded by $8.3 trillion, according to the Bank for International Settlements.
US debt exploded to nearly $12 trillion ($16.7 trillion if intragovernmental holdings are included).
Along with roughly $700 billion in Chinese holdings of US agency debt (Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac), China’s total $2 trillion exposure to US government and quasi-government securities is massive by any standard.
If oil revenues fall further, they may be forced to sell those holdings, using the dollars to intervene in the foreign-exchange market and support their currencies or to bail out troubled banks, like Russia’s Trust Bank, the mid-size institution that the government rescued in December.
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