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Growth in sentence

19851 examples of Growth in a sentence

The government has had to step in as both private investment and total factor productivity growth have faltered in recent years.
These days, it is public infrastructure investment that helps maintain India’s growth momentum.
Annual GDP growth is expected to remain above 4% in 2015, in a region where overall output is shrinking (by 0.3%, according to the International Monetary Fund’s latest projections).
Nonetheless, all three are examples that other countries, including developed ones, should watch closely as they search for viable growth strategies in an increasingly hostile global economic environment.
And GDP in some countries, like France and Sweden, grew at rates lower than population growth, implying that per capita income declined.
Emerging Markets’ Shifting Bottom LineLONDON – One truism of the last three decades is that emerging markets are a leveraged play on global growth: they outperform when developed economies are growing, but they are susceptible to sharp downturns when global conditions are less favorable.
Second, most emerging markets have moved to floating exchange rates, which help to cushion growth from external shocks such as unanticipated monetary-policy tightening in the United States.
As such, domestic bond markets are better insulated, which in turn allows governments to make use of counter-cyclical fiscal policies to stabilize growth and service debts.
For starters, monetary-policy normalization in the developed economies – a process that has now been underway for 30 months in the US – looks likely to continue at a slow pace, owing to adverse demographics, high debt levels, and weak productivity growth.
At the same time, emerging-market growth should start to become less sensitive to US interest rates and the dollar,given lower external borrowing needs, the relative lack of borrowing in dollars specifically, and reduced dependence on commodity exports.
As a result, exchange-rate depreciation could mitigate the fallout for growth, particularly in countries with credible inflation-targeting regimes.
Second, weaker potential growth – the counterpart to lower equilibrium interest rates – has created fertile ground for populism in countries lacking robust institutions.
And populist policies will ultimately hinder growth.
With faster global growth, exchange rates would bear the burden of domestic macro adjustments, and allow for a re-slicing of the (larger) growth pie through currency movements.
But with the growth potential now lower, political sensitivities to exchange rate-driven adjustments are more pronounced.
Worse still, such vicious cycles are difficult to break, because emerging-market currencies typically weaken when growth is threatened.
Now, currencies are the primary buffers mitigating the fallout on emerging-market debt and growth.
Despite lower potential growth and equilibrium interest rates in developed economies, average absolute returns for emerging markets may be no lower than in the past.
Lower potential growth also raises the risk of populist policies, which would most likely have to be offset with higher spreads.
After World War II, the US launched the first “law and development movement” to promote growth and slow communism’s spread.
Ongoing private and public debt deleveraging has kept global demand growth below that of supply.
If anything, inflation is now falling further globally as commodity prices adjust downward in response to weak global growth.
Germany’s fiscal deficit temporarily increased by about 2.5 percentage points of GDP during the global recession of 2009; subsequent rapid deficit reduction had no significant negative impact on growth.
A government’s solvency thus depends much more on long-term growth prospects than on the current debt/GDP ratio.
Moreover, austerity has been accompanied by structural reforms, which should increase countries’ long-term growth potential, while pension reforms are set to reduce considerably the fiscal cost of aging populations.
Thus, the key variable for countries that had large current-account deficits, and thus are burdened today with high foreign-debt levels, is not the debt/GDP ratio, but the foreign debt/exports ratio (together with the growth prospects for exports).
But if the deficit countries spend less while the surplus countries don’t compensate by savings less and spending more – especially on private and public consumption – then excess productive capacity will meet a lack of aggregate demand, leading to another slump in global economic growth.
Fourth, countries with current-account surpluses should let their undervalued currencies appreciate, while the ECB should follow an easier monetary policy that accommodates a gradual further weakening of the euro to restore competiveness and growth in the eurozone.
Such an outcome would cause another bout of severe systemic risk in global financial markets, trigger a series of contagious sovereign defaults, and severely damage the growth prospects of emerging-market economies that have so far experienced a more robust recovery than advanced countries.
Today, however, that growth has vanished.
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